Monthly Archives: July 2015

Can ‘genetically-identical’ synthetic horn save the rhino?





In 2014, one rhino was killed every eight hours. That was in South Africa alone, where most of the world’s rhinos live. At this rate, rhino deaths may overtake births by 2016-2018, making the concept of the rhino’s extinction very real.

Spurred by this grim prospect, governments, businesses and governmental organizations have discussed a wide range of solutions to stop rhino poaching, the key driver of rhino mortality.

One proposal that recently generated a lot of interest is the manufacturing of synthetic rhino horn. The concept first reached the media limelight in 2012 when the company Rhinoceros Horn LLC launched a crowdfunding campaign to get the idea off the ground.

While that campaign failed, the idea has recently been rekindled by Pembient, a US-based company that describes itself as “the De Beers of synthetic wildlife products.”

This bioengineering start-up plans to flood the market with synthetic 3D-printed rhino horns. The company hopes this will help save rhinos by making synthetic horns cheaper to purchase than the real thing.

If it looks like rhino horn, smells like a rhino horn …

Pembient is looking to develop synthetic rhino horns that not only are genetically similar but feel and smell like the real thing, so much so that consumers wouldn’t be able to tell the difference.

To achieve this, the company has recently embarked on a crowdfunding effort to sequence the genome of the black rhino. Pembient hopes the first synthetic horns will hit the market about a year from now.

The question, though, remains: will it work? An examination of both consumer motivations and business models behind these types of ventures exposes some pitfalls.

The best available consumer research tells us that demand for rhino horn stems largely from the social status this perceived luxury product gives to its users, tied to the (erroneous) beliefs of its medical properties. How would synthetic rhino horn fit into this picture?

In terms of its luxury status, it is the rarity and high price of rhino horn that give it its allure. As such, it is unlikely that current consumers will turn to cheaper and commonly available options no matter how indistinguishable they may be to a lay audience, much the same way that the availability and lower price of cubic zirconia has not led to a crash of the diamond trade.

Diamonds carry a social value that while arbitrary keeps consumers willing to pay large premiums. Thus it seems unlikely that a cheaper synthetic alternative may replace the original product in the minds of the wealthy consumers driving the demand for rhino horn.

But will the punters buy it?

As far as traditional medicine goes, the push for alternative products has been tried before. Take bear bile, for example. Used in Asia for centuries as a part of traditional medicine, the trade in bear bile flourished in the 1970s with the advent of ‘bear farming’, in which bile is obtained from live bears.

The number of bears required to fill these farms became a threat to Asian bear populations. As a result governments, NGOs and businesses have worked for decades to promote a wide range of plant, animal and synthetic substitutes.

Yet there is little sign of the practice disappearing, with a minimum of 12,000 bears still being kept in legal and illegal bear farms in Southeast Asia. Several reasons have been put forward for this, from the preference of consumers for wild products to the reluctance of practitioners to prescribe alternatives.

Taking all this into account, it seems unlikely that this synthetic rhino horn will have an impact on the demand for the real deal. However, the circulation of a synthetic product that so closely resembles the real product could easily become the worst nightmare of enforcement agencies worldwide, as authorities will have a hard time distinguishing between synthetic and illegally obtained rhino horn.

Another related issue is that by making synthetic rhino horn widely available, Pembient faces some perverse incentives to perpetuate the idea that it has indeed some medical properties. After all, the company’s bottom line depends on there being demand for rhino horn.

This can undermine the work of conservation NGOs, traditional medicine practitioners and even governments, who have spent decades trying to break the link between rhino horn and traditional medicine.

An uneasy moral issue – who should benefit?

Beyond any potential impact this initiative may or may not have, the entire business case for this enterprise is underlined by a broader moral issue. Is it ethical for a US-based company to profit from a product based on genetic material coming from several developing countries, without a clear form of compensation?

History is riddled with cases of fortunes being made by companies in the West that have developed commercial ventures based on plants or animals from some of the world’s poorest corners without any compensation, in what has become known as biopiracy.

The rosy periwinkle, for example, a plant native only to Madagascar, was found to contain a chemical compound that is effective in treating several forms of cancer. Millions of dollars were made from the two drugs subsequently developed, yet no compensation was ever given to Madagascar. The list of similar cases goes on and includes the Neem tree, turmeric, basmati rice, Ayahuasca, Rooibos Tea, Quinine and Quinoa.

Rhino conservation is costly, with countries having to invest heavily in management and anti-poaching efforts. Yet rhinos are distributed across a number of developing countries with pressing needs around food security, health and education.

It would be hypocritical for the international community to ban the trade in rhino horn, thus denying rhino range countries a source of revenue, while allowing private companies from elsewhere to profit from the trade in a product based on the rhino’s genetic material.

It is clear that conservation is much in need of entrepreneurship and people willing to think outside of the box – just the kind of thinking that the people behind efforts to make synthetic rhino horn have demonstrated.

Yet the context around the trade in rhino horn is very complex and simple solutions that sound too good to be true often are.

 


 

Diogo Veríssimo is David H. Smith Conservation Research Fellow at Georgia State University.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.The Conversation

 






Can ‘genetically-identical’ synthetic horn save the rhino?





In 2014, one rhino was killed every eight hours. That was in South Africa alone, where most of the world’s rhinos live. At this rate, rhino deaths may overtake births by 2016-2018, making the concept of the rhino’s extinction very real.

Spurred by this grim prospect, governments, businesses and governmental organizations have discussed a wide range of solutions to stop rhino poaching, the key driver of rhino mortality.

One proposal that recently generated a lot of interest is the manufacturing of synthetic rhino horn. The concept first reached the media limelight in 2012 when the company Rhinoceros Horn LLC launched a crowdfunding campaign to get the idea off the ground.

While that campaign failed, the idea has recently been rekindled by Pembient, a US-based company that describes itself as “the De Beers of synthetic wildlife products.”

This bioengineering start-up plans to flood the market with synthetic 3D-printed rhino horns. The company hopes this will help save rhinos by making synthetic horns cheaper to purchase than the real thing.

If it looks like rhino horn, smells like a rhino horn …

Pembient is looking to develop synthetic rhino horns that not only are genetically similar but feel and smell like the real thing, so much so that consumers wouldn’t be able to tell the difference.

To achieve this, the company has recently embarked on a crowdfunding effort to sequence the genome of the black rhino. Pembient hopes the first synthetic horns will hit the market about a year from now.

The question, though, remains: will it work? An examination of both consumer motivations and business models behind these types of ventures exposes some pitfalls.

The best available consumer research tells us that demand for rhino horn stems largely from the social status this perceived luxury product gives to its users, tied to the (erroneous) beliefs of its medical properties. How would synthetic rhino horn fit into this picture?

In terms of its luxury status, it is the rarity and high price of rhino horn that give it its allure. As such, it is unlikely that current consumers will turn to cheaper and commonly available options no matter how indistinguishable they may be to a lay audience, much the same way that the availability and lower price of cubic zirconia has not led to a crash of the diamond trade.

Diamonds carry a social value that while arbitrary keeps consumers willing to pay large premiums. Thus it seems unlikely that a cheaper synthetic alternative may replace the original product in the minds of the wealthy consumers driving the demand for rhino horn.

But will the punters buy it?

As far as traditional medicine goes, the push for alternative products has been tried before. Take bear bile, for example. Used in Asia for centuries as a part of traditional medicine, the trade in bear bile flourished in the 1970s with the advent of ‘bear farming’, in which bile is obtained from live bears.

The number of bears required to fill these farms became a threat to Asian bear populations. As a result governments, NGOs and businesses have worked for decades to promote a wide range of plant, animal and synthetic substitutes.

Yet there is little sign of the practice disappearing, with a minimum of 12,000 bears still being kept in legal and illegal bear farms in Southeast Asia. Several reasons have been put forward for this, from the preference of consumers for wild products to the reluctance of practitioners to prescribe alternatives.

Taking all this into account, it seems unlikely that this synthetic rhino horn will have an impact on the demand for the real deal. However, the circulation of a synthetic product that so closely resembles the real product could easily become the worst nightmare of enforcement agencies worldwide, as authorities will have a hard time distinguishing between synthetic and illegally obtained rhino horn.

Another related issue is that by making synthetic rhino horn widely available, Pembient faces some perverse incentives to perpetuate the idea that it has indeed some medical properties. After all, the company’s bottom line depends on there being demand for rhino horn.

This can undermine the work of conservation NGOs, traditional medicine practitioners and even governments, who have spent decades trying to break the link between rhino horn and traditional medicine.

An uneasy moral issue – who should benefit?

Beyond any potential impact this initiative may or may not have, the entire business case for this enterprise is underlined by a broader moral issue. Is it ethical for a US-based company to profit from a product based on genetic material coming from several developing countries, without a clear form of compensation?

History is riddled with cases of fortunes being made by companies in the West that have developed commercial ventures based on plants or animals from some of the world’s poorest corners without any compensation, in what has become known as biopiracy.

The rosy periwinkle, for example, a plant native only to Madagascar, was found to contain a chemical compound that is effective in treating several forms of cancer. Millions of dollars were made from the two drugs subsequently developed, yet no compensation was ever given to Madagascar. The list of similar cases goes on and includes the Neem tree, turmeric, basmati rice, Ayahuasca, Rooibos Tea, Quinine and Quinoa.

Rhino conservation is costly, with countries having to invest heavily in management and anti-poaching efforts. Yet rhinos are distributed across a number of developing countries with pressing needs around food security, health and education.

It would be hypocritical for the international community to ban the trade in rhino horn, thus denying rhino range countries a source of revenue, while allowing private companies from elsewhere to profit from the trade in a product based on the rhino’s genetic material.

It is clear that conservation is much in need of entrepreneurship and people willing to think outside of the box – just the kind of thinking that the people behind efforts to make synthetic rhino horn have demonstrated.

Yet the context around the trade in rhino horn is very complex and simple solutions that sound too good to be true often are.

 


 

Diogo Veríssimo is David H. Smith Conservation Research Fellow at Georgia State University.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.The Conversation

 






Can ‘genetically-identical’ synthetic horn save the rhino?





In 2014, one rhino was killed every eight hours. That was in South Africa alone, where most of the world’s rhinos live. At this rate, rhino deaths may overtake births by 2016-2018, making the concept of the rhino’s extinction very real.

Spurred by this grim prospect, governments, businesses and governmental organizations have discussed a wide range of solutions to stop rhino poaching, the key driver of rhino mortality.

One proposal that recently generated a lot of interest is the manufacturing of synthetic rhino horn. The concept first reached the media limelight in 2012 when the company Rhinoceros Horn LLC launched a crowdfunding campaign to get the idea off the ground.

While that campaign failed, the idea has recently been rekindled by Pembient, a US-based company that describes itself as “the De Beers of synthetic wildlife products.”

This bioengineering start-up plans to flood the market with synthetic 3D-printed rhino horns. The company hopes this will help save rhinos by making synthetic horns cheaper to purchase than the real thing.

If it looks like rhino horn, smells like a rhino horn …

Pembient is looking to develop synthetic rhino horns that not only are genetically similar but feel and smell like the real thing, so much so that consumers wouldn’t be able to tell the difference.

To achieve this, the company has recently embarked on a crowdfunding effort to sequence the genome of the black rhino. Pembient hopes the first synthetic horns will hit the market about a year from now.

The question, though, remains: will it work? An examination of both consumer motivations and business models behind these types of ventures exposes some pitfalls.

The best available consumer research tells us that demand for rhino horn stems largely from the social status this perceived luxury product gives to its users, tied to the (erroneous) beliefs of its medical properties. How would synthetic rhino horn fit into this picture?

In terms of its luxury status, it is the rarity and high price of rhino horn that give it its allure. As such, it is unlikely that current consumers will turn to cheaper and commonly available options no matter how indistinguishable they may be to a lay audience, much the same way that the availability and lower price of cubic zirconia has not led to a crash of the diamond trade.

Diamonds carry a social value that while arbitrary keeps consumers willing to pay large premiums. Thus it seems unlikely that a cheaper synthetic alternative may replace the original product in the minds of the wealthy consumers driving the demand for rhino horn.

But will the punters buy it?

As far as traditional medicine goes, the push for alternative products has been tried before. Take bear bile, for example. Used in Asia for centuries as a part of traditional medicine, the trade in bear bile flourished in the 1970s with the advent of ‘bear farming’, in which bile is obtained from live bears.

The number of bears required to fill these farms became a threat to Asian bear populations. As a result governments, NGOs and businesses have worked for decades to promote a wide range of plant, animal and synthetic substitutes.

Yet there is little sign of the practice disappearing, with a minimum of 12,000 bears still being kept in legal and illegal bear farms in Southeast Asia. Several reasons have been put forward for this, from the preference of consumers for wild products to the reluctance of practitioners to prescribe alternatives.

Taking all this into account, it seems unlikely that this synthetic rhino horn will have an impact on the demand for the real deal. However, the circulation of a synthetic product that so closely resembles the real product could easily become the worst nightmare of enforcement agencies worldwide, as authorities will have a hard time distinguishing between synthetic and illegally obtained rhino horn.

Another related issue is that by making synthetic rhino horn widely available, Pembient faces some perverse incentives to perpetuate the idea that it has indeed some medical properties. After all, the company’s bottom line depends on there being demand for rhino horn.

This can undermine the work of conservation NGOs, traditional medicine practitioners and even governments, who have spent decades trying to break the link between rhino horn and traditional medicine.

An uneasy moral issue – who should benefit?

Beyond any potential impact this initiative may or may not have, the entire business case for this enterprise is underlined by a broader moral issue. Is it ethical for a US-based company to profit from a product based on genetic material coming from several developing countries, without a clear form of compensation?

History is riddled with cases of fortunes being made by companies in the West that have developed commercial ventures based on plants or animals from some of the world’s poorest corners without any compensation, in what has become known as biopiracy.

The rosy periwinkle, for example, a plant native only to Madagascar, was found to contain a chemical compound that is effective in treating several forms of cancer. Millions of dollars were made from the two drugs subsequently developed, yet no compensation was ever given to Madagascar. The list of similar cases goes on and includes the Neem tree, turmeric, basmati rice, Ayahuasca, Rooibos Tea, Quinine and Quinoa.

Rhino conservation is costly, with countries having to invest heavily in management and anti-poaching efforts. Yet rhinos are distributed across a number of developing countries with pressing needs around food security, health and education.

It would be hypocritical for the international community to ban the trade in rhino horn, thus denying rhino range countries a source of revenue, while allowing private companies from elsewhere to profit from the trade in a product based on the rhino’s genetic material.

It is clear that conservation is much in need of entrepreneurship and people willing to think outside of the box – just the kind of thinking that the people behind efforts to make synthetic rhino horn have demonstrated.

Yet the context around the trade in rhino horn is very complex and simple solutions that sound too good to be true often are.

 


 

Diogo Veríssimo is David H. Smith Conservation Research Fellow at Georgia State University.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.The Conversation

 






Austria files Hinkley Point C legal challenge in European Court





The campaign against the UK’s planned Hinkley C nuclear power station in Somerset went legal today with Austria filing its challenge to the UK’s massive €108 billion support package for the project in the European court of Justice.

And the battle is a key one for nuclear power across Europe: if the Hinkley C package of subsidies, approved by the European Commission on 8 October 2014, stands, then it will be used to support the build of a dozen or more new nuclear plants in the UK, Poland, Czech Republic and Hungary.

Submitted by the Constitutional Law Department of Austria’s Federal Chancellery, the lawsuit calls for the annulment of the Commission’s decision that the UK government subsidy is lawful.

“State Aids are there to support new and modern technologies that are in the general interest of all EU countries”, said Federal Chancellor Werner Faymann. “In no way is this is true of nuclear power!”

In particular, Faymann denies the Commission’s reasoning that the aid would contribute to the promotion of an industry: “The state-guaranteed purchase price for a period of 35 years, Britain’s state credit guarantee of up to £17 billion and the compensation in case of early closure of the plant all, in our view, contradict the requirements for a state aid approval.”

Even if nuclear energy contributed to the UK’s ‘decarbonisation’, he added, it is undisputed that the overall environmental impact of nuclear power plants is negative. “Therefore, the generation of nuclear power in preference to renewable energy sources is outside the terms of the Commission’s environmental and energy aid guidelines.

“Nuclear power plants are dangerous, expensive, and compared to future technologies such as wind, water or solar energy neither economically nor ecologically competitive”, he stressed.

Further legal challenges due from Green energy suppliers across Europe

In a separate move, an ‘Action Alliance’ of ten renewable energy suppliers and municipal utilities from Germany, and Austria are to file their own legal challenge against the UK’s state support for Hinkley Point C.

Greenpeace Energy, Energieversorgung Filstal, Austrian energy producer oekostrom AG, and the municipal utilities of Aalen, Bietigheim-Bissingen, Bochum, Mainz, Mühlacker, Schwäbisch Hall and Tübingen are jointly challenging “subsidies amounting to more than one hundred billion Euros for a new build nuclear power plant.”

A new study they commissioned shows that approval for Hinkley C, together with other proposed nuclear power plant projects in Europe, “could distort prices in Germany’s electricity market by up to 12% and thereby massively distort competition.”

In effect, they say, the heavily subsidised nuclear plants would have to ‘dump’ excess power on European power grids, forcing prices down and reducing the viability of clean power generation from renewable sources, also costing German taxpayers some €2.2 billion per year in additional support payments for renewable energy by 2040.

“If the State Aid model in Britain becomes accepted – and there are strong signals coming from Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary on this – then it looks very bleak for Germany’s energy transition and decentralised energy supply”, says Dr Achim Kötzle, executive director of energy management at Tübingen’s municipal utility.

The Commission’s approval would send a “lasting a negative signal” to renewable generators and investors across Europe, he adds. “The European Commission’s decision threatens to have negative consequences for our environmentally sound production plants.”

Commission’s decision was legally unsound

Dr Dörte Fouquet, partner at the international law firm Becker Büttner Held, who is representing the Action Alliance, believes the decision to approve the UK state aid to nuclear power was both wrong in law, and “not in the common interests of the European Union.”

For instance, the Commission ignored the fact that there was no tendering procedure for Hinkley Point C; “the Euratom Treaty, which the Commission relied on for its argumentation, does not substantiate State Aid”; the Commission applied an incorrect evaluation benchmark because these British subsidies are a ‘State aid’ and not an ‘investment aid’; and “there is no general failure of the energy market which could justify these proposed subsidies.”

According to Greenpeace Energy’s Michael Friedrich, “We are finalising legal documents and expect to be submitting the challenge later this week or early next week.”

In filing its challenge, Austria faced off threats from the UK to take its revenge if the case went ahead. According to a leaked diplomatic memo, Foreign Ofice officials warned Martin Eichtinger, Austria’s Ambassador in London, that

“The UK has obviously started systematically elaborating countermeasures that could be harmful to Austria … Further steps and escalation ensuing the complaint are not to be ruled out.”

 


 

Oliver Tickell edits The Ecologist.

 






OXI ! Our NO is a majestic, big YES to a democratic, rational Europe!





Greece’s referendum of 5th July will stay in history as a unique moment when a small European nation rose up against debt-bondage.

The story began on the 25th of January when with SYRIZA’s election, dignity was restored to the people of Greece.

In the five months that intervened since then, we became the first government that dared raise its voice, speaking on behalf of the people, saying NO to the damaging irrationality of our extend-and-pretend ‘Bailout Program’. We:

  • spread the word that the Greek ‘bailouts’ were exercises whose purpose was intentionally to transfer private losses onto the shoulders of the weakest Greeks, before being transferred to other European taxpayers
  • articulated, for the first time in the Eurogroup, an economic argument to which there was no credible response
  • put forward moderate, technically feasible proposals that would remove the need for further ‘bailouts’
  • confined the troika to its Brussels’ lair
  • internationalised Greece’s humanitarian crisis and its roots in intentionally recessionary policies
  • spread hope beyond Greece’s borders that democracy can breathe within a monetary union hitherto dominated by fear.

Ending interminable, self-defeating, austerity and restructuring Greece’s public debt were our two targets. But these two were also our creditors’ targets. From the moment our election seemed likely, last December, the powers-that-be started a bank run and planned, eventually, to shut Greece’s banks down.

Their purpose? To humiliate our government by forcing us to succumb to stringent austerity, and to drag us into an agreement that offers no firm commitment to a sensible, well-defined debt restructure.

Yes to social justice, shared European prosperity

    The ultimatum of 25th June, which triggered the referendum, was the means by which these aims would be achieved. The people of Greece today returned this ultimatum to its senders, despite the fear mongering that the domestic oligarchic media transmitted night and day into their homes.

    Today’s referendum result delivered a resounding call for a mutually beneficial agreement between Greece and our European partners. We shall respond to the Greek voters’ call with a positive approach to:

    • The IMF, which only recently released a helpful report (see below) confirming that Greek public debt was unsustainable
    • The ECB, the Governing Council of which, over the past week, refused to countenance some of the more aggressive voices within
    • The European Commission, whose leadership kept throwing bridges over the chasm separating Greece from some of our partners.

    It is a NO to the dystopic vision of a Eurozone that functions like an iron cage for its peoples. It is a loud YES to the vision of a Eurozone offering the prospect of social justice with shared prosperity for all Europeans.

    Our debt must be relieved – says the IMF!

    Debt relief ought to be at the centre of negotiations over a New Deal for Greece. That has been our government’s mantra from 26th of January, our first day on the job.

    Exactly five months later, on 26th of June, the IMF has conceded the point (as evidenced by the New York Times) – on the very day Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras called for a referendum so that the Greek people could reject an IMF-led proposal that offered no … debt relief.

    The IMF’s latest debt sustainability analysis (DSA) is a fascinating read. For the first time, the IMF recognised that, in its fifth review assessment, there was a low probability that Greece’s public debt would prove sustainable.

    Here is an extract from the IMF’s own report confessing that, to portray Greek public debt as sustainable (without substantial debt relief), its researchers had to make the assumption that

    ” … Greece would go from having the lowest average total factor productivity (TFP) growth in the euro area since it joined the EU in 1981 to having among the highest TFP growth, and that it would go to the highest labor force participation rates and to German employment rates.”

    Pigs would, of course, sooner fly! When asked how productivity growth would do the ‘pole vault’ from the euro area’s lowest to the euro area’s highest levels, with employment recovering fully (and in the absence of credit and investment), the IMF’s standard answer is:

    “To achieve TFP growth that is similar to what has been achieved in other euro area countries, implementation of structural reforms is therefore critical.”

    But Chapter 3 of the IMF’s April 2015 World Economic Outlook report tears this assumption to pieces. Indeed, the IMF’s own research shows that labour market reforms have a negative impact on total factor productivity while product market reform has a neutral one.

    IMF – after fifty years of austerity, still an intolerable debt burden

    Returning to Greek public debt sustainability, this latest DSA (debt sustainability analysis) by the IMF could not be blunter. In fact, it is even ‘ruder’ to official Europe, that remains in denial of the need for any debt relief, than we – the SYRIZA government – would imagine being.

    Without a haircut, the IMF claims, not even fifty years of austerity – i.e. a primary surplus of 2.5% – would suffice to reduce debt to sustainable levels (see graph).

    “It is simply not reasonable”, also argues the IMF’s document “to expect the large official sector held debt to migrate back onto the balance sheets of the private sector at rates consistent with debt sustainability.”

    Of course it’s not! One wonders why it migrated to the public sector balance sheet in the first place. Could it be that this was accomplished by the failed IMF-driven programs of 2010 and 2012?

    Puzzlingly, all this fine research by the good people at the IMF suddenly evaporates when IMF functionaries coalesce with their ECB and the European Commission colleagues in order to impose upon our government their chosen policies.

    On 25th June we were presented with their ultimatum that centred upon zero debt relief, gigantic austerity (3.5% in the medium term), and more of the same labour and product markets’ ‘reforms’.

    Never before has a veritable institution advocated policies that clashed so mercilessly with its own research. Never before has the IMF agreed, on economic analysis, with a government it sought to devastate.

      But even victory has its costs – in this case my own head

      Like all struggles for democratic rights, so too this historic rejection of the Eurogroup’s 25th June ultimatum comes with a large price tag attached.

      It is, therefore, essential that the great capital bestowed upon our government by the splendid NO vote be invested immediately into a YES to a proper resolution – to an agreement that involves debt restructuring, less austerity, redistribution in favour of the needy, and real reforms.

      Soon after the announcement of the referendum results, I was made aware of a certain preference by some Eurogroup participants, and assorted ‘partners’, for my… ‘absence’ from its meetings – an idea that the Prime Minister judged to be potentially helpful to him in reaching an agreement. For this reason I am leaving the Ministry of Finance today.

      I consider it my duty to help Alexis Tsipras exploit, as he sees fit, the capital that the Greek people granted us through yesterday’s referendum.

      And I shall wear the creditors’ loathing with pride.

       


       

      Yanis Varoufakis was the finance minister of Greece, from 26th January 2015 until his forced resignation this morning.

      This article is drawn from three articles published on Yanis Varoufakis’s personal blog

       






OECD chief: World must ditch coal, go renewable





The future of coal has come under scrutiny from a perhaps unlikely source – the head of the organisation representing wealthy nations that relied on coal for 32% of electricity generation last year.

Angel Gurría, secretary-general of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), said the scale of new investments in “unabated” coal-fired electricity generation – where greenhouse gases are emitted directly to the atmosphere – posed the most urgent threat to the Earth’s climate.

Speaking in London on Friday, he said governments should be sceptical about the benefits of coal for their citizens. They should rethink the role of coal in energy supply, and conduct a more rigorous evaluation of its true costs:

“Governments need to be seriously sceptical about whether new coal provides a good deal for their citizens. If we muster the political will to set ourselves on a 2°C trajectory today, not all coal assets will be able to run for their full economic lifetime. Unsurprisingly, if we delay action, we will have to strand much more capacity overall, as steeper reductions will be required.”

Environmental costs

With prices failing to fully account for the environmental, health and financial costs of coal, many of the coal plants being built today might have to be shut down before the end of their economic lifetimes – representing a huge write-down of invested capital that poor countries can ill-afford.

The OECD, founded to stimulate economic progress and world trade, has 34 members drawn from the richest and most powerful industrialised countries.

But Gurría, in a passage that will hearten many developing countries in the approach to the UN climate change negotiations in Paris in November / December this year, said that if poorer nations could not afford low-carbon alternatives, then richer countries should find the money to close the cost gap:

“Coal is the most carbon-intensive fuel available for electricity generation. The most urgent threat to climate policy is the scale of new investments in unabated coal-fired electricity generation still being planned. Between now and 2050, if no further mitigation measures are undertaken, coal generation is projected to emit more than 500 GtCO2.

“That is around half the remaining carbon budget consistent with staying under 2°C. Even the most advanced (and costly) coal-fired power plants are not going to be consistent with a 2 degree goal unless they can capture and store the CO2 they produce. Yet the IEA expects global demand for coal to continue to grow in the near term, which would result in a disastrous 4°C plus trajectory.”

In any case, Dr Gurría said, countries’ contributions to emissions reductions after 2020 are not consistent with a 2°C pathway. He said the carbon clock was ticking and the Paris COP21 climate conference must give a clear and credible signal that governments are determined to go for a higher level of ambition.

“Calling something a process doesn’t guarantee an outcome”, he said. “We have been in a process for over 20 years and, so far, the commitments simply don’t add up.” Continued investment in coal is one of many “misalignments” between climate goals and countries’ policies in other domains, Dr Gurría said.

‘Policy misalignments’ undermine climate action

A report by the OECD, its specialised Nuclear Energy Agency, the International Energy Agency and the International Transport Forum says policy misalignments undermine climate action in areas from tax to trade, electricity market regulation and land use.

The report says two-thirds of global energy investments still go into fossil fuels, 50% of agricultural subsidies in OECD countries harm the climate, and various tax provisions encourage fossil fuel production and use. This “policy incoherence”, as the report describes it, limits the effectiveness of countries’ climate change efforts, and increases the cost of the transition to a low-carbon economy.

Dr Gurría urged governments to consider what needed to be done to resolve such misalignments, starting with a demand that each ministry should regularly report on which of its policies run counter to desirable climate results.

And he urged all countries to take the problem seriously: “The size of the carbon budget that we can emit consistent with 2 degrees depends on how big a risk you are prepared to take to meet that goal or to wind up on a higher temperature pathway.

“But one fact is clear – we are currently emitting some 38 billion tonnes of CO2 p.a. and this will exhaust that budget at an alarming rate. Furthermore, the 2 degrees goal relies on a carbon budget which only provides for a 66% chance of meeting the target.

“If we want a lower level of risk, we should be even more ambitious. After all, we’re betting the planet. This is the ‘cheerful recklessness’ towards our common home lamented by the Pope in his recent climate change encyclical.

“Two degrees already implies costly change. But we’re currently on course for around 3-5 degrees.  We continue to be on a collision course with nature. As we continue to emit, the risks are becoming increasingly unpredictable and uninsurable.”

Green energy must take its place

And one clear solution is renewable energy, Dr Gurría continued: “we already have commercial alternatives to coal-fired power generation, in contrast to heavy industries like cement and steel which don’t and which pose a major technical challenge.

“The fact that 60% of total power plant investments since 2000 have been in low-carbon technologies illustrates the point. Depending on the region, cost-competitive renewables include onshore wind, biomass and hydro-based generation, solar and geothermal power.

“Some challenges remain, but the bottom line is that low-carbon options can and should play a much greater role in energy supply. Their costs are still decreasing, some much faster than others, and the challenges of integrating new renewable energy are being overcome.”

 


 

The speech:Climate: What’s changed, what hasn’t and what we can do about it – Six Months to COP21‘ by Angel Gurría, Secretary-General, OECD, was delivered on 3rd July 2015 in London, United Kingdom.

The report:Aligning Policies for a Low-carbon Economy‘ was produced by OECD in co-operation with the International Energy Agency (IEA), the International Transport Forum (ITF) and the Nuclear Energy Agency (NEA).

Alex Kirby writes for Climate News Network.

Additional reporting by The Ecologist.

 






Greece’s anti-solar, coal-based energy policies underlie its economic collapse





Greece stands on the precipice of a great unknown, and what is decided in Sunday’s referendum and in the weeks to come will have wide-reaching ramifications – not least on the country’s fragile energy economy.

In the years since the global financial crisis, Greek energy – like most of Greek society – has been in a state of flux. A series of missed opportunities and poor decisions have left it in deep trouble.

So here’s the story of Greece’s post-crisis energy crisis; the rise and fall of solar PV; the rise and fall of energy efficiency; the rise and fall of lignite.

Where it all began – free water and coal for state power generator

For decades Greece has relied on local lignite to power the mainland and on imported oil to power its islands. The state-owned Public Power Corporation (PPC) dominates domestic energy, controlling 96% of the market.

In addition to letting PPC use lignite and water reserves for free, the Greek state set up a complicated system that subsidises fossil fuel production to the tune of €1.9 billion a year.

To make matters worse, the Greek building sector is among the least efficient in Europe, with almost two-thirds of all Greek buildings lacking even basic insulation and using oil for heating. It’s little wonder that, according to official European Environment Agency (EEA) data, the average Greek household uses almost 3 times more energy for heating than the average Finnish one.

At the dawn of the economic crisis, the Greek economy was in no shape to make it through. The lignite sector, for instance, owned and run by PPC is amongst the oldest, most inefficient and polluting in Europe.

According to a 2013 report, air pollution from PPC’s lignite units cause more than 1,000 premature deaths each year. EEA estimates the damage done to the Greek GDP during the first years of the crisis (2008-2012) was €6-19 billion. And PPC opted to close down many these units rather than undergo expensive retrofitting to comply with EU regulations.

Part of the problem was that PPC was never allowed to adjust electricity bills to reflect its production cost – the price consumers pay is set by the Greek government. This compromised the company’s ability to increase profits and reinvest in newer technologies.

Stuck with old and inefficient units and a diminishing workforce, PPC had to rely on government decisions – often political rather than economic – to determine its course of development and protect its assets. Soon the government intervened, intent on on doing just that.

The solar energy revolution

The European Commission had for years been after Greece to allow private investors access to lignite production. Successive Greek governments did a fine job stalling the process, aiming to protect a public industry controlled by powerful trade unions.

Then, in 2010, the Commission seized its opportunity. When the Greek government officially asked for a bailout from the troika (IMF, EU and European Central Bank) liberalisation of the energy market was made conditional.

However, at the same time, a small revolution was happening in the Greek energy sector. The Feed-in-Tariff law led to an massive increase of solar PV, sparking hope for a new, decentralised energy system.

In five years, Greek solar capacity went from less than 50MW to more than 2,500MW, directly benefiting 100,000 homes and creating 50,000 jobs. During this surge in renewable energy, the Papandreou government announced plans for the most ambitious energy efficiency program in Europe.

Building the Future aimed to retrofit around 1 million buildings over 10 years, and save consumers some €9 billion in – not to mention the prospective 140,000 jobs.

Swapping solar for brown coal

Greece, however, lost a historic opportunity to transform the energy sector (and the economy) by making two crucial mistakes.

First, instead of allowing the liberalisation of the market by actually agreeing to phase out lignite and increase the share of renewables in the mix, Greece did the opposite. It opted to engage in a long battle to preserve the ailing industry while putting an abrupt end to solar energy development by blocking new applications.

Talks with the troika ended up with the Greek government agreeing in 2012 to have several PPC units sold to private enterprise. To appease furious unions, it promised to use the money from the sale to fund the long-sought construction of Ptolemaida 5.

This new and supposedly modern generation 660MW unit, costed at €1.4 billion, received construction approval on 1st July. It would create 250 new jobs and save a couple of thousand more, but it is fiercely opposed by WWF Greece as a “dirty giant” that sets Greece’s energy policy firmly on the wrong course.

At the same time, more than 45,000 jobs were wiped from the economy due to the collapse of the PV market.

Second, the government did a U-turn on energy efficiency, abandoning Building the Future – that was never supported with smart and effective financing policies – in favour of a subsidies program based on European structural funds that could hardly retrofit 35,000 homes.

The energy poverty humanitarian crisis

Energy poverty in Greece has since developed into a humanitarian crisis, with an estimated 6 out of 10 households falling below the energy poverty line.

According to official statistics, 3 million people – nearly a quarter of the population – cannot afford proper heating during winter, with many not actually using heating at all. Meanwhile Syriza’s energy minister clearly doesn’t believe energy efficiency can tackle energy poverty.

He is also committed to completing the construction of new lignite and oil power plants, including Ptolemaida 5. However the project is turning out to be a disaster. No private stakeholder is interested in buying old PPC units, and so the government is short €1.4 billion needed for its construction.

In fact, when the European Investment Bank pulled out, the only money the government had secured was the €700 million through the German Development Bank (KfW), the product of a bilateral deal between the Greek and German governments. The Greek government still has to come up with the other half of the money.

A new study by WWF-Greece questions also the project’s economic viability, arguing it would make more economic sense to invest this money into tapping the country’s tremendous renewable energy potential. In addition, as Greenpeace-Greece has revealed, the environmental credentials of the plant are deeply flawed, with ELVs (Emission Limit Values) often falling short of proposed EU regulations for lignite plants.

So here we are, back to that political precipice called ‘Grexit’. Come Monday morning, what happens to Greece’s energy economy, including that €1.4 billion hole in lignite investment, is anyone’s guess.

At least the sun – all that it represents and all that can be harnessed – isn’t going anywhere.

 


 

Takis Grigoriou is an energy campaigner with Greenpeace-Greece.

Petition:Say NO to coal! Stop the new lignite plant in Ptolemaida, Greece!

This article was originally published by Greenpeace EnergyDesk.

 






Health and wellbeing are at the heart of our Green future





When I’m talking about the NHS I’m mostly addressing the dire impacts of the rush to privatisation that we’ve seen since the 2012 Health and Social Care Act.

Like the near-collapse of a renowned dermatological centre in Nottingham since its takeover by Circle, a company whose failure at Hinchingbrooke hospital and abandonment of the contract there doesn’t seem to have stopped it getting further NHS contracts.

Or the impact of the same company taking over musculoskeletal services in Bedfordshire, destabilising the income of the local hospital, and threatening its A&E department.

Or often I’m talking about the dreadful failures of our mental health services, the fact that if you have a mental health condition there’s only a 28% chance of getting treatment.

And the figures showing that the rate of privatisation of the NHS is 40% higher than the three previous years combined.

Or more positively, I’m talking about Green MP Caroline Lucas taking the lead in a cross-party effort to introduce an NHS Reinstatement Bill, a bill backed by the British Medical Association.

It would strip away the costly, destructive market mechanisms that have sent administrative costs soaring, and restore the founding principle of the NHS, that the profit motive has no place within it – public money should be spent on health care, not be shovelled into private pockets (or all too often straight into the nearest tax haven).

What can we do for the NHS?

But today I want to put that to one side and ask a different question about health. To adapt from John F Kennedy, I want to ask today, not what the NHS can do for us, but what we, as a society, as policymakers, as politicians, can do for the NHS?

For it’s clear that even if we succeed in removing the blocking and reversing the takeover of our broadly efficient and fair, publicly owned and run NHS by the disastrous American privatised model, the NHS will come under increasing pressure, from an ageing population, from the rise of expensive medical technology, from our increasing levels of middle-aged and even younger disability and illness.

In short, I want to ask what we can do to create a healthy society. Of course there are reasons for doing that beyond saving money for the NHS. A healthier society is, sticking to the money side, going to be a more productive and prosperous society.

And turning to issues of humanity and decency, a society that doesn’t make its members ill through its structures and practices, is surely preferable to one that does.

And yet we have here in Britain, in the world’s sixth-richest economy, a society that’s making many of its members ill. A society that’s failing to provide clean air, failing to provide adequate housing, failing to provide a healthy diet, failing to provide safe jobs and decent benefits, failing to provide opportunities for exercise, failing to provide an education that prepares pupils for life.

The UK is failing its people – especially the most vulnerable

A society in short that’s failing its people. And the majority of people it’s failing fall into one group, the poorer and more disadvantaged people in society.

It’s the children growing up in poverty who are likely to live in areas with the worst air quality, in overcrowded homes with the fewest opportunities to enjoy green spaces; the adults struggling to balance zero-hours, minimum wage jobs, with no guarantee of a steady income and facing the threat of loss of the family tax credit that now makes it all, just, hang together.

It’s the pensioners in cold and damp, impossible-to-heat homes without viable public transport options that allow them to get out and about and shop for healthy, affordable food.

And we’re seeing inequality growing, more people falling into this group, or fearing falling into it – and that’s despite the fact that the brilliant book The Spirit Level – I note in this company, written by two health economists – demonstrated clearly that everyone, even the rich, is worse off in more unequal societies.

We must end the ‘unhealthy society’

The unhealthy society is affecting everyone to some degree. The poor are bearing the worst of it but all of us in this room, everyone in the country, is affected to some degree. Two days ago I was in London at an event organised by the Evening Standard talking about London’s air pollution crisis. An attendee tweeted me afterwards “I had no idea it was so bad!”

She was not alone. In the worst areas of London 8% of deaths are linked to air pollution. Around the country, that’s 29,000 premature deaths each year. And children whose schools are near busy roads are seeing the development of their lungs affected – an impact that will last for life.

In the workplace: we need to acknowledge that some of the longest working hours in Europe (what are being increasingly acknowledged as long, low-productivity hours) are deeply unhealthy and destructive.

Whether it’s the impact on diet – there’s the fact exposed by the horsemeat scandal that we eat on average twice as many ready meals as the rest of Europe, or the impact on the structure of our cities – a recent study on the concreting-over of front gardens that’s greying our cities and towns, making them more prone to heatwaves and simply less pleasant, said that “lack of time for maintenance” was an important factor in household decision-making.

Or simply exercise: 45% of men and 34% of women say they are restricted in getting active by work commitments. And add in the human and health cost of commuting long distances – whether in fume-soaked cars or crowded trains and buses, in part as a result of house prices and rents – and there’s no doubt our employment arrangements are severely detrimental to our health.

Unhealthy Britain is costing us all dear

And our homes are deeply unhealthy. 19% of households are in fuel poverty – primarily because of poor structure and insulation – which is linked to one in five of our horrific excess winter deaths, and contributes to the development of the lifelong condition of asthma in children. A study by the Chief Medical Officer showed that investing £1 in keeping homes warm saved the NHS 42p in health costs.

And on our streets we’ve seen walking and cycling all too often actively discouraged. Cuts to public transport (particularly rural and local buses) and inactivity causes nearly 20% of cases of breast and colon cancer, and more than 10% of cases of coronary heart disease and type 2 diabetes. It costs the NHS almost £1 billion a year.

Except around the edges – anti-smoking programmes, gym memberships and healthy food vouchers on the NHS – there’s little that the health service can do to influence any of these issues.

Indeed doctors and other health professionals often express their frustration at the fact they’re being asked to provide medical solutions for social problems, because their local GP is often the only person people feel they can turn to for help.

So it’s not just the NHS – to turn things around we also need the  right policies on the economy, transport, housing, energy, education, food security, clean air, green cities, the living wage, to create the healthy society we all want and deserve.

Some measures will be expensive – others not

Not all of the changes towards a healthy society are big-ticket spending items. Here’s a few suggestions:

  • Introducing a 20mph speed limit everywhere people live, work and shop could make our streets far more pedestrian and community friendly, a place to stroll, to chat, to play.
  • Strengthening the power of unions and giving workers proper access to redress for unreasonable treatment would help to cut unpaid overtime, reduce stress and improve safety in the workplace.
  • Make the minimum wage a living wage (which would save the Treasury more than £2 billion a year), and ban zero-hours contracts.
  • Introduce a law in England and Wales (it’s already in place in Scotland) to make it an offence to try to stop a mother breastfeeding in public spaces – and provide more education and support for mothers and assistance for working mothers to continue breastfeeding. (Again this is an issue of equality, 32% of low-income mothers breastfeed as against 65% of middle-income mothers).

Some moves towards a healthy society of course do require spending. The simplest way overall to improve health would be to tackle poverty – ensure everyone can put healthy food on the table, keep an appropriately-sized, energy-efficient roof over their head, be free from the fear of penury.

That of course would mean reversing the disastrous policy of austerity that’s seeking to make the poor, the disadvantaged and the young pay for the errors and fraud of the bankers.

But coming down to a more modular level, looking at measures that would improve the health of everyone, here’s a few suggestions:

  • Invest in walking and cycling infrastructure – and public transport that enables and encourages people to let the train or bus ‘take the strain’ (and probably involves at least some walking at each end).
  • Implement statutory PSHE education in all schools – evidence shows this reduces childhood obesity, improves diets, reduces sexually transmitted diseases and unwanted pregnancies, and hospital admissions for self-harm.
  • Implement an intensive programme of home insulation and energy efficiency to cut excess winter deaths particularly among the elderly, reduce asthma rates in the young – and create jobs and cut carbon emissions.


Joined up policies for health and wellbeing

These are – in one of the favourite terms of government these days – joined up policies. They fit together into the whole of a healthy society – a humane, decent society in which people can fulfil their potential and live the long healthy lives that public health measures and modern medicine have helped to make possible.

They’re possible, but not yet being made as highly probable as they should be. Every government decision, every funding cut or decision should be weighed for its impact on the health of the nation – both its physical health and its mental health.

That means something the Green Party has long been talking about – moving away from GDP as a measure of national progress. We need to ensure that we work towards national wellbeing, not the coarse and often damaging measure of economic output.

To put that into practical, and topical terms, consider yesterday’s Airport Commission report. It came down on the side of Heathrow, acknowledging the massive air pollution and noise pollution issues, but brushing them aside with a mixture of ‘live with it’ amelioration measures like insulation for homes and schools (because you don’t want to walk outside or be able to play in the playground) and airy promises that ‘something will come up’ in technological terms.

Government policy that put a healthy society at its heart would never have come to the conclusion that Sir Davies did.

And that’s without even referring to the conclusions last month of the Lancet Commission on Health and Climate Change, which said failure to tackle climate change – and expansion of Heathrow (and full use of the new facilities) would mean Britain exceeding its legally binding targets on greenhouse gas emissions – would be (in the words of the learned authors) “catastrophic” for human health.

But it turns out the opportunity is enormous – do many of the things that we need to do to create a healthier society, encourage active transport, clean up the air, insulate our homes, and also tackle climate change.

What are we waiting for?

 


 

Natalie Bennett is the leader of the Green Party of England & Wales.

This article is based on Natali’s keynote speech at the Manchester Medical Society and University of Manchester’s International Festival of Public Health UK yesterday, 2nd June 2015.

 






Secret report: fracking could hurt house prices, health and environment





Fracking operations to extract shale gas in Britain could cause nearby house prices to fall by up to 7% and create a risk of environmental damage, according to a government report that has been published in full for the first time.

Entitled Shale Gas Rural Economy Impacts, the Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs (Defra) document was released on Wednesday after a freedom of information battle.

An official assessment of the impact of fracking, it warned that leakage of waste fluids could affect human health through polluted water or the consumption of contaminated agricultural products.

The report was first published last year in a heavily redacted form under freedom of information rules, prompting the Green MP, Caroline Lucas, to accuse the government of censorship and of trying to hide the negative impacts of fracking.

Two weeks ago the information commissioner’s office ruled that the environment department must release the report unredacted.

A crucial time for the UK’s fracking industry

The findings of the study come at a crucial time for the government and shale industry, just two days after the surprise rejection by Lancashire county council of what would have been the biggest round of fracking so far.

Previously omitted sections reveal that:

  • House prices near fracking wells were likely to fall, and there was a potential reduction of up to 7% in property values within a mile of wells.
  • Properties within a one- to five-mile radius of fracking sites may incur additional insurance costs.
  • Leakage of waste fluids from fracking processes has resulted in environmental damage in the US.
  • Even if contaminated surface water did not directly impact on drinking-water supplies, fracking could affect human health indirectly through consumption of contaminated wildlife, livestock or agricultural products. It concluded that the UK regulatory regime was “likely to be more robust” but the impact on water-resource availability, aquatic habitats and ecosystems, and water quality was “uncertain”.

The report also spelled out possible benefits of fracking, such as generating jobs and economic growth, as well as providing greater energy security for the UK. Rents may also increase due to additional demand from fracking-site workers, it suggested.

It added that communities could benefit from investment in local services and infrastructure due to community payments that shale companies will have to pay to people nearby their operations.

Truss: ‘misleading’. Defra: ‘unsubstantiated conjecture’

Liz Truss, the environment secretary, has distanced herself from the report, calling it misleading and emphasising its draft nature. Ministers were split over the publication of the report in full, with Truss saying it should not be released, and the energy minister Andrea Leadsom saying the paper was “going to be published”.

Tony Bosworth, an energy campaigner at Friends of the Earth, said the timing of the report’s release was significant: “No wonder Defra sat on this explosive report until after the Lancashire decisions!”

Lancashire councillors had debated whether to hold off making their planning decision until the report was published in full, but eventually decided to reject bids by Cuadrilla to frack at two sites on the Fylde plain.

The main industry body, UK Onshore Oil and Gas, dismissed the report as being “in danger of extrapolating the experiences of other jurisdictions that have different regulation, planning regimes and geologies”.

Ken Cronin, chief executive of UKOOG, said: “It is a shame that this report has become such a cause célėbre as it is merely a review of literature and brings nothing new to the debate or any new information in a UK context.”

A Defra spokesman said: “This document was drawn up as a draft internal discussion paper – it is not analytically robust, has not been peer-reviewed and remains incomplete.

“It does not contain any new data or evidence, and many of the conclusions amount to unsubstantiated conjecture, which do not represent the views of officials or ministers.”

 


 

Adam Vaughan is editor of the Guardian’s environment site and tweets at @adamvaughan_uk.

Rowena Mason is a political correspondent for the Guardian.

This article was originally published by The Guardian / Environment and is reproduced by kind permission via the Guardian Environment Network.

 






Honduras under Occupation – murders, land grabs, and Hillary Clinton’s ‘hard choices’





Last week marked the six year anniversary of the military coup in Honduras – 28th June was the day that a democratically elected left wing government was ousted by a US-backed, US-trained cabal of generals and right wing politicians and landowners.

It could correctly be called a ‘quiet coup’ primarily because it took place with very little fanfare from the corporate media which, to the extent that it covered it at all, did so mostly from a distorted perspective which spread more misinformation than truth.

Today, six years (and many innocent lives, and billions of dollars) later, this shameful moment in recent history still remains largely forgotten.

Perhaps it was the lingering euphoria felt by liberals and so-called progressives in the months after Obama’s election and inauguration. Perhaps it was the still new economic crisis and subsequent bailout and financial turmoil. Perhaps it was plain old imperialistic, neocolonial disregard for Latin America and the rights of the people unfortunate enough to be living in ‘America’s backyard’.

Whatever the reason, the fact remains that the Obama administration and those who supported it, then and now, are complicit in an ongoing political, economic, and social tragedy in Honduras.

But why bring it up now, other than to mark the anniversary of the coup? For starters, because one of the primary participants and benefactors happens to be the likely Democratic Party presidential candidate: Hillary Clinton.

Also, far from being a discrete episode of US imperialism’s sordid past, the coup and its legacy remain a driving force in Honduran politics and society today. The beneficiaries and participants are all still either in government or have shifted to the private sector, and continue to enrich themselves at the cost of the poor and working people of the country.

A brutal war of US-supported ethnic cleansing

The coup government of Honduras continues to wage a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing against minority communities to benefit itself and its patrons from the US and elsewhere.

Perhaps most importantly, the coup of 2009 reveals the extent to which the United States remains a neocolonial, imperial power in Latin America, and reminds us of just what countries like Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador have been struggling against.

It illustrates in the starkest terms the human cost of Washington’s policies, not in books about a historical period, but in images and videos of a country under its thumb today. It reminds us just how real the struggle still is.

The 2006 election of José Manuel Zelaya, known as ‘Mel’ to his friends and supporters, was a watershed moment in the history of Honduras. A country that, like its neighbors, suffered under a succession of US-backed right wing governments, had finally elected a man whose politics were of the people, rather than of the military and business interests.

Despite coming from a wealthy family, and having been elected under the Partido Liberal (Liberal Party) banner, Zelaya’s politics shifted significantly to the left once he assumed office.

Not only did Zelaya commit the great sin of forging ties with the late Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and his ALBA (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America) and PetroCaribe blocs, but Zelaya challenged the political status quo in the country, promising to represent the poor and working class in a country traditionally dominated by wealthy landowners and the military.

As journalist, author, and former adviser to the Permanent Mission of Honduras at the United Nations, Roberto Quesada, told Counterpunch in an exclusive interview:

“When Zelaya came into power, even though he was in a traditional party, he changed the traditional politics of the Liberal Party and made it into a people’s party. He turned the presidential palace into a house for the people … For the first time those without voices were given a voice … He wanted to introduce the Cuarta Urna [Fourth Ballot Box Referendum].

“For the first time the Honduran people could decide what they wanted and change the constitution [because] … the constitution of 1982 was in favor of the right wing and was not in the interests of Hondurans.”

Hope and change?

And so it seemed in 2009 that Honduras, like Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Nicaragua before it, would legally and democratically break free of the political and corporate hegemony of the US. Clearly this was something that Washington, even with the newly elected president of “hope and change” in the White House, could not abide. Enter: then newly appointed Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

Clinton has since admitted openly, and quite brazenly, her central role in legitimizing, supporting, and providing political cover for the illegal, and internationally condemned, coup against Zelaya. As CounterPunch contributor Mark Weisbrot has noted, Clinton stated clearly in her book Hard Choices that

“In the subsequent days [after the coup] I spoke with my counterparts around the hemisphere, including Secretary [Patricia] Espinosa in Mexico … We strategized on a plan to restore order in Honduras and ensure that free and fair elections could be held quickly and legitimately, which would render the question of Zelaya moot.”

What exactly was the plan? Aside from providing diplomatic cover by not openly calling it a military coup, Clinton employed her longtime associates Lanny Davis and Bennett Ratcliff who whispered sweet nothings in the ears of the right people in Washington and on Wall Street, including in a laughable op-ed in the Wall Street Journal, thereby paving the way for new “elections” in Honduras, in order to, as Clinton put it, “render the question of Zelaya moot.”

Lanny Davis, as has been noted by a number of journalists, is a direct representative of powerful business elites in Honduras. Davis himself explained this fact in an interview just weeks after the coup when he stated,

“My clients represent the CEAL, the [Honduras Chapter of] Business Council of Latin America … I do not represent the government and do not talk to [interim] President [Roberto] Micheletti. My main contacts are [billionaires] Camilo Atala and Jorge Canahuati. I’m proud to represent businessmen who are committed to the rule of law.”

Indeed, Davis quite candidly exposed himself as an agent of powerful oligarch financiers and landowners who, until the election of Zelaya, had always maintained firm control of the reins of government in Honduras.

Clinton’s sterling work for the US Empire

Essentially then, Clinton and her henchmen played the key role in facilitating an illegal coup against a democratically elected government in the interests of their billionaire friends inside Honduras, and the geopolitical agenda of the United States in the region.

Though she is busy employing populist rhetoric in her presidential bid these days, Clinton has done yeoman’s work for the right wing, anti-democratic forces of Latin America, and the Empire broadly speaking. Of course, none of this should come as any surprise to people who have followed Clinton, and US imperialism in Latin America for that matter.

Equally unsurprising is the US role in the training and backing of the Honduran generals who carried out the coup on that early morning in late June 2009. As School of the Americas Watch (SOAW) noted at the time:

“The June 28 coup in Honduras was carried out by the School of the Americas (SOA) graduates Gen. Romeo Vásquez Velásquez, the head of the of the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the Honduran military and by Gen. Luis Prince Suazo, the head of the Air Force …

“SOA-trained Honduran Army Attorney Col. Herberth Inestroza justified the military coup and stated in an interview with The Miami Herald: ‘It would be difficult for us, with our training, to have a relationship with a leftist government. That’s impossible.’

“Inestroza also confirmed that the decision for the coup was made by the military … According to information that SOA Watch obtained from the US government through a Freedom of Information Act request, Vasquez studied in the SOA at least twice: once in 1976 and again in 1984 … The head of the Air Force, General Luis Javier Prince Suazo, studied in the School of the Americas in 1996.”

The School of the Americas (since renamed Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation, aka WHINSEC) is a US military institute located at Fort Benning, Georgia infamous for graduating a literal who’s who of Central and South American military dictators, death squad leaders, and other assorted fascists who left their bloody marks on their respective countries.

It’s been called the ‘School of Dictators’ and a ‘coup factory’, and it seems that Honduras in 2009 was merely the latest victim of its illustrious alumni. Indeed, this was not the first time for Honduras, as both General Juan Melgar Castro (military dictator, 1975-1978) and Policarpo Paz Garcia (death squad leader and then military dictator, 1978-1982) were graduates of the School of the Americas.

Needless to say, the legacy of the United States in Honduras is a bloody and shameful one.

Honduras: a US military foothold in Central America

One should not be fooled into believing that since 2009 and the US-backed coup and subsequent regime change, somehow the US has not been involved militarily inside Honduras. Indeed, just weeks ago the US military announced that it would be sending a contingent of US Marines to Honduras, ostensibly to “provide assistance during hurricane season.”

However, the reality is that the US is merely continuing, and indeed expanding, its ongoing military partnership and de facto occupation of Honduras and a number of other key Central American countries.

In an exclusive interview with Counterpunch, the US Coordinator of the National Popular Resistance Front (FNRP) and Refoundation Party (LIBRE), Lucy Pagoada succinctly explained:

“The coup forced us to wake up to the reality of Honduras. I lived in Honduras until I was 15 years old. I’ve never seen my country so militarized as the way it has become after 2009. It has turned into a large military base trained and funded by the US. They even have School of the Americas forces there … There have been high levels of violence and torture since the coup against the resistance and the opposition.”

According to Pagoada and other activists both in Honduras and in the US, the country has essentially become an annex of the US military, acting as a staging area for a variety of Washington’s military operations in the region. This conclusion is confirmed by a report from the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA) which noted:

“The steady increase of U.S. assistance to [Honduran] armed forces [is] an indicator of tacit U.S. support. But the U.S. role in militarization of national police forces has been direct as well.

“In 2011 and 2012, the Drug Enforcement Administration’s Foreign-deployed Advisory Support Team (FAST) … set up camp in Honduras to train a local counternarcotics police unit and help plan and execute drug interdiction operations … Supported by U.S. helicopters mounted with high caliber machine guns, these operations were nearly indistinguishable from military missions, and locals routinely referred to the DEA and Honduran police agents as ‘soldados’ (soldiers).

“According to the New York Times, five ‘commando style squads’ of FAST teams have been deployed across Central America to train and support local counternarcotics units … In July 2013, the Honduran government created a new ‘elite’ police unit called the Intelligence Troop and Special Security Group, or TIGRES (Spanish for ‘tigers’).

“The unit, which human rights groups contend is military in nature, has been deployed in tandem with the new military police force and has received training in military combat tactics from both U.S. and Colombian Special Forces units.”

Terrorism pure and simple

For those with even a cursory understanding of how US support for the contra death squads of Central America in the 1970s and 1980s actually worked, the description above should bear a chilling resemblance.

Essentially, US military and covert assets provide the arms, training, and coordination for a patchwork of well-organized units whose function is to terrorize communities whose real crime, far from involvement in drug trafficking, is either opposition to the government or having the misfortune of living on valuable real estate prized by the same business interests that Mrs. Clinton and her cronies represent.

Of course, the US military presence has a regional dimension as Washington attempts to use its assets to reassert and/or maintain control over the entire region which it has seen steadily slipping from its grasp since the election of Hugo Chavez more than 15 years ago, and the subsequent rise of Evo Morales in Bolivia, Rafael Correa in Ecuador, and Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua.

But, from the strictly Honduran perspective, this military cooperation is intended to provide the Honduran military, now doubling as internal police and security forces, with the necessary support to carry out ethnic cleansing operations and killing of political opponents in order to make the country safe for business.

Cleansing Honduras for the sake of profit

The military operations in Honduras are aimed primarily at enriching the oligarchs running the country since the ouster of Zelaya in 2009. The goal is to ethnically cleanse prime real estate, either through eviction or brute force, in order to free it up for privatization.

One of the means by which this is taking place is through the so called ‘Ciudades Modelos’ (Model Cities) program which promotes tax-free business havens for newly privatized land seized from indigenous communities.

One of the communities most deeply affected is the Garifuna, an Afro-indigenous nation whose land stretches hundreds of miles of prime real estate on the Honduran Carribbean coast which the corrupt government of President Hernandez, and his financial backers in Tegucigalpa (the Honduran capital) and the US, envisions as a money-making tourist zone. (See photos, above right.)

TeleSur noted in 2014 that the Barra Vieja Garifuna community was under eviction threat by the Honduran government which prized their land for the “further development of the Bahia de Tela tourist project and the building of the five star Indura Beach and Golf Resort. In a business alliance, the Honduran government holds 49 percent of the shareholds for the project while 51 percent is in the hands of private business.”

New York City alone is home to roughly 250,000 Garifuna people from Honduras, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Belize; they have to watch as their families and friends back in Honduras continue to face persecution at the hands of a right wing government serving business interests from the US and elsewhere.

The unmistakeable message of political murder

But of course, the Garifuna are not alone, as many other indigenous communities in Honduras face unspeakable repression at the hands of the militarized Honduran government and its 21st Century version of death squads. As Lucy Pagoada recounted in her interview with Counterpunch,

“Margarita Murillo, an indigenous woman, dedicated her life to the defense of the land and the workers. She was killed with seven bullets by her home in the department of Yoro … She was a leader of the resistance.”

Indeed, the brutal assassination of Murillo in August 2014 was yet another chilling reminder of the war waged by the Honduran government on peasants and indigenous people in the country who refuse to be displaced in the interests of the business elites.

Murillo, who had just recently been named President of the Asociativa Campesinos de Producción Las Ventanas (Window Production Peasants Association), had been an advocate for her fellow indigenous peoples and the poor, and had been involved in mediating a land dispute between a number of local families and a group of wealthy landowners in the area. She was shot execution-style by a group of three men in ski masks.

Murillo’s assassination was far more than simply a murder motivated by a local land-grab. Rather, it was a clear warning to the resistance movement in Honduras that any organized effort to fight back against the government and the wealthy landowners backing it would be met with brute force.

And now the human tide of misery washes up on US shores

This is the sort of message that the people of Honduras, especially those who lived through the 1970s and 1980s, understand all too well. In fact, such violence, and the despair that it produces, has driven many Hondurans, especially from the Garifuna community, to flee to the US in search of a better life.

Maria Vives is an administrative assistant with the Give Them to Eat ministries of the Bronx Spanish Evangelical Church. Speaking with Counterpunch she recalled:

“We have a soup kitchen and food pantry. We help people on an emergency basis … Three Garifuna women showed up last summer and expressed needs-they were frustrated. They have been caught crossing the border and ankle bracelets have been put on them. They were shackled … Word spread that we were helping people in need and soon we had a total of almost 50 or 60 women who show up with their children …

“They have several reasons for leaving Honduras. For the violence, they were killing off a lot of people in the neighborhood because they wanted to take over their lands. Some were scared their children would join gangs. As soon as the children reach a certain age they were recruited to join the gang. I know one mother in particular who brought over her three children because one of them was being recruited into the gang.”

Although the corporate media constantly referred to the child immigration crisis during its brief coverage in 2014, the reality was that it was a refugee crisis, and that those children, at times accompanied and at times unaccompanied, were fleeing precisely the sort of repression described above.

Whether Garifuna or members of other indigenous or peasant communities, those children and families sought refuge in the US, refuge from the horrors perpetrated against them in Honduras; of course, all with the tacit approval and covert participation of the US Government.

As we mark the sixth anniversary of the 2009 coup against the legal government of Honduras, we must be sure to not simply recognize the event as yet another despicable example of US imperialism and its support for repressive governments in Latin America. We must instead recognize that that singular event set into motion a series of events which have led to the political and social crisis ongoing in Honduras today.

As Roberto Quesada told us, “We can’t talk about the coup as if it is in the past. It continues to leave the country in a state of chaos.”

 


 

Eric Draitser is the founder of StopImperialism.org and host of CounterPunch Radio. He is an independent geopolitical analyst based in New York City. You can reach him at ericdraitser@gmail.com.

Ramiro S. Fúnez is a Honduran-American political activist and independent journalist based in new York City. You can reach him at ramirofunez@gmail.com.

This article was originally published on CounterPunch.

Author’s note: In a forthcoming article for CounterPunch we will examine some of the political opposition emerging in Honduras, including the important protests against the government currently taking place. We will also provide an analysis of the revolutionary undercurrent present both in Honduras and its expatriate community in the US and throughout Latin America. The story of the coup, and those fighting to right the wrongs it caused, is far from over.