Monthly Archives: August 2015

Government and NFU betray Britain’s dairy farmers





“It is not the role of government to help individual businesses with cash-flow problems.”

So said farming minister Robert Eustice when he gave evidence to the Parliamentary Select Committee on Environment, Food and Rural Affairs in November 2014.

Mr Eustice was naturally not referring to those banks which were bailed out to the tune of £500 billion in 2008, with Conservative party support, because they were ‘too big to fail’.

The Committee was examining the matter of ‘Dairy Prices’, and Mr Eustice no doubt felt that the dairy farms that are going bankrupt in droves are too small to be worth bothering about.

The Committee held its enquiry because farm gate milk prices had been falling from a high of 34 pence per litre in 2013, to 30 pence in September 2014. The average UK farm gate price fell to 23.66p in June.

Since the cost of producing a litre of milk is about 30 pence a litre, this means that the average dairy farmer has been losing five pence on every single litre they produce.

This price crash is a repeat of a similar collapse in 2012, when farmers mounted a campaign of blockades of supermarkets and processors in protest. The outcome of these protests was a ‘voluntary code of conduct’ for processors which has failed to provide any price security for milk producers.

The establishment washes its hands of the problem

As a result farmers have continued to exit from dairying at an estimated rate of 16 per week. In 1995 there were over 35,000 dairy farms in the UK but the figure dropped to below 10,000 in early 2015 – a loss of 71% of all dairy farms in 20 years.

Britain has not seen any other industry so comprehensively gutted since Thatcher’s assault on the coal industry in the 1980s.

In the face of these figures, the Committee acknowledged that price fluctuations had “left dairy farmers vulnerable” and that the imminent abolition of the EU milk quota system would mean that they would “face further uncertainty”.

That however was the full extent of their concern, since the Committee made not one proposal for alleviating the dairy farmers’ plight. It concluded:

“The dairy industry has a significant responsibility for its own future and is generally better placed than the Government is to lead change … Nor is it the role of the Government, as Mr Eustice told us, to help individual businesses with cash-flow problems.”

Why, one might ask, was the Committee parroting what the farming minister George Eustice told them, when it is the job of select committees to scrutinize ministerial statements?

Could it be because the Committee (prior to the general election) was dominated by five rural Conservative MP’s, notably Richard Drax whose family has owned the 7,000 acre Drax estate in Dorset since Elizabethan times?

The four Labour members, representing Inverclyde (Greenock and Port Glasgow), South Shields, North Tyneside, and Poplar and Limehouse, my guess is they had about as much concern for farmers as a Dorset MP might have for coal miners.

The triumph of neoliberalism

Whatever the reason, there appears not to have been a single voice in the committee dissenting from the view that when an entire industry producing a staple food is operating at a loss, and thousands of individual enterprises are going bankrupt, the government should not step in because “that is not its role”.

It shows the depth to which neoliberal ideology has permeated every corner of the political establishment – except, of course, that corner devoted to keeping banks in business.

The dairy industry does not need a massive injection of taxpayers’ money, such as was given to the banks; it just needs some price stabilization, as was provided to some extent by the Milk Marketing Board before it was abolished by an earlier Conservative government.

If it is not the role of Government to administer price controls, who else can do it? Certainly not the farmers themselves who are at the mercy of an oligopoly of processors and supermarkets. But it is not only the minister who is bending the committee members ears, since in the conclusion to their report they state:

“We also agree with the National Farmers Union (NFU) that the future of the industry is best served by driving on volume of production rather than price in promoting British dairy products.”

If we turn to the evidence that the NFU presented to the Committee, we find further explanation:

“The NFU supports the ending of quotas and for the market to be liberalized. The quota system has, to an extent, kept an artificially high milk price within the EU which has discouraged exports.”

So why does the NFU want lower dairy prices?

In other words, the NFU actually wants milk prices to be lowered through trade liberalization. This might seem perverse for a union purporting to represent dairy farmers, but there is an unsavoury logic in their approach.

The NFU represents the interests of larger landowners in the UK, who happen to own some of the largest farms in Europe. A policy based on increasing production and lowering the price so as to gain an advantage in the international market will only be of benefit to businesses large enough to achieve the economies of scale necessary to squeeze a profit from tiny margins – ultimately megadairies.

Conventional small-scale producers, in the UK and throughout Europe, will be forced out of business. Indeed that is what is already happening: dairy farmers have been going bust, even though, as the NFU pointed out in their evidence, “milk production increases year on year and the dairy herd is 2.7% larger this year than last.”

It is not only small farmers in Europe who will suffer from the drive for exports advocated by the NFU. There is now a global destination for the milk lakes and butter mountains that used to be an embarrassment: the target is markets in Russia (until the tit-for tat sanctions war over Ukraine), Latin America, Africa and the world’s biggest milk producer, India.

For example, since 2007, negotiations have been ongoing in an attempt to establish an EU-India Free Trade Association. One of the sticking points is EU access to the Indian dairy market, which India wants to exempt from the agreement, while the EU insists that it is included. The European dairy lobby, Eucolait, agrees, stating:

“it is important for the dairy sector to have an efficient market access to the Indian market. It would be unacceptable to have an outcome in which India excludes dairy products from liberalization.”

Eucolait’s attitude is utterly unscrupulous. Some 85% of India’s milk is supplied by small farmers and co-operatives. The sector employs 90 million people, of whom 75 million are women, and represents 22% of India’s agricultural produce. Dumping surplus and subsidized European milk will deprive many of the poorest people in rural India of an independent livelihood.

The same will happen if milk were exported to countries such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, Kenya, Rwanda and Columbia, where the people’s milk sector is as significant as it is in India.

Micro-proliferation

Sadly over the past decades there has been only muted resistance from UK dairy farmers to the globalization of milk supply, and the extermination of family farms, the exception being the spirited blockades of processors carried out by Farmers for Action.

Unfortunately their spokesman David Handley, who has a limited understanding of the wider political stage, has declined or failed to forge alliances with potentially sympathetic groups – notably the environmental lobby which he alienated through Farmers for Action’s ludicrous campaign against fuel taxes (which farmers don’t even pay) in the year 2000.

However that has not stopped the Land Workers Alliance – a union of small-scale producers and family farmers and the UK affiliate of Via Campesina, which represents 200 million small-scale farmers worldwide – from issuing a statement in support of FFA this week:

“The Landworkers Alliance supports the protests against the collapse in milk prices organized by Farmers For Action in Britain, and by numerous farming organizations throughout Europe, including Via Campesina.

“Many members of the Landworkers Alliance who produce milk and dairy products  are not affected by the collapse in prices because they process and sell their milk directly through local outlets.  However the LWA wishes to see a thriving mainstream dairy industry based on small-scale family farms, and supports measures necessary to protect such farms from the vagaries of the global market.”

A promising route may be for the remaining small scale farmers to appeal to a potentially supportive public, who manifestly do not want megadairies. A recent YouGov poll commissioned by the charity world Animal Protection reports that 87% of consumers wanted to purchase ‘free range’ milk from cows grazed outdoors, and 56% would pay more to do so.

With this in mind all the dairy farmers on the Scottish island of Bute, who after capital inputs to a processor have been receiving only 17 pence per litre, have collectively signed up to the Free Range Dairy Pasture Promise label in the hope that such branding will bring them increased prices.

This is a step in the right direction, but what is needed is a wider campaign that will attract the media and grip the public imagination.

Campaign for Real Milk

One potential model is Britain’s most successful consumer movement ever, the Campaign for Real Ale, which in the 1980s completely reversed the apparently unstoppable monopolization of the brewing industry by a handful of corporations intent on forcing an insipid, sterilised, gasified substitute for beer onto a sceptical public.

Thirty years on, Watneys and their like have disappeared – thanks to government intervention – and the brewing landscape is peopled with thousands of microbreweries, dispensing ale locally through direct sales.

Is there any reason why we could not orchestrate a similar flowering of thousands of local microdairies? There is already a Campaign for Real Milk, operating under the happy acronym CREAM – though judging from the state of its website it appears to be sorely in need of reinvigoration.

Such a campaign requires concerted support from a wider range of actors, an injection of funds, a forthright political agenda embracing the environmental, economic, social and health benefits of microdairies, and some clever promotion. The time is surely right.

 


 

Simon Fairlie edits The Land Magazine, where this article was first published. This version includes a few updates by The Ecologist.

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Romania faces $2.56bn claim for failed gold mine





A Canadian company, Gabriel Resources, has filed a $2.56 billion claim in a World Bank trade court against Romania after its rejection of a huge gold mine at Rosia Montana.

In December 2013 the lower house of Romania’s parliament  refused to pass revisions to the country’s mining laws designed to enable the company to construct the mine in the Carpathian mountains. This followed an earlier rejection of the plan by the Senate.

The Rosia Montana mine would be Europe’s largest open cast pit gold mine, employing highly toxic cyanide to mine about 300 tonnes of gold and 1,500 tonnes of silver a year.

Although Gabriel Resources is Canadian, it is taking the action under a bilateral trade agreement between Romania and the UK, which includes ‘investor-state dispute settlement’ (ISDS) clauses similar to those in the ‘TTIP’ Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership.

GR is taking the action via a company registered in the UK tax haven of Jersey, which it believes gives it the legal ‘standing’ to pursue the case under the UK-Romania agreement.

As British as the Klondike

According to GMB’s Bert Schouwenburg, Gabriel Resources’ action is “abusing the UK jurisdiction in using a ‘shell’ or’ mailbox’ company registered in Jersey which is not intended to be protected by the UK-Romania trade agreement. It has no real business activities in the UK to make use of an investment agreement to launch claims before an ISDS tribunal.”

GR is also “undermining the sovereignty of Romania to make its own decisions to protect the health and safety and well-being of its own people”, he added.

He has now written to the prime minister, David Cameron, asking him “to investigate the case and present evidence to ICSID that Gabriel Resources should not be covered by the provisions of the UK-Romania agreement.”

Nick Dearden, director of Global Justice Now, added his voice to the protest: “It’s bad enough that Gabriel Resource’s ‘right to profit’ is being put forward as more important than the government of Romania’s right to act for the benefit of its citizens.

“It’s even worse that a Canadian mining company is able to do this by exploiting a trade agreement between the UK and Romania based on a shell company it owns in Jersey.”

According GR’s website, Gabriel Resources Ltd “is a Canadian TSX-listed (GBU.TSX) resource company focused on permitting and developing its world class Rosia Montana gold and silver project in Romania. The project is owned through Rosia Montana Gold Corporation S.A. (RMGC), in which Gabriel holds an 80.69% stake with the balance held by the Romanian State.”

As such it is unclear on what basis the existence of a Jersey-registered subsidiary would qualify GR to take the action under the UK-Romania agreement.

A decade of protests in Romania

The mine is deeply unpopular among the country’s small farmers and its increasingly vocal environmental movement. Huge demonstrations and protest actions took place against the mine throughout 2013 in the small town of Rosia Montana, the nearby city of Cluj, and in Bucharest.

However Gabriel Resources claims that the project “has been strongly supported by the local community as it would assist to alleviate the poverty of the people of Roşia Montana and the region.”

It also says there is no rational reason to oppose the mine, which “has been exhaustively analysed by various Romanian competent authorities, as well as a large number of international experts and, as designed, will comply with or exceed all relevant Romanian and European Union legislation, as well as the highest global industrial standards.”

Instead, it argues that the project “has become hostage to conflicts between rival political factions and misinformation” that has “unnecessarily damaged the ability for development of the Project.”

Gabriel Resources has been pursuing the project for more than 15 years, enjoying the strong support of the Romanian Government, which has an almost 20% stake in the project, for most of that time.

The company claims that it has “not been afforded the treatment by the Romanian Authorities that is stipulated by investment protection treaties signed by Romania. Accordingly, in view of the substantial losses that the Gabriel Group will incur if the Project is not permitted to proceed in accordance with all applicable laws Gabriel has been left with no alternative but to file the Notice.”

However this claim appears at odds with the fact that changes in Romania’s mining laws were needed for the mine to proceed. Normally ISDS actions are only possible only when laws are changed in a way that adversely affects investors.

A warning for us all

Meanwhile campaigners are warning that many more such actions could take place under TTIP and that the Rosia Montana case shows the dangers to which EU governments would expose themselves if they sign up to the deal, as well as to the very similar CETA deal with Canada. Both contain ISDS provisions.

With TTIP and CETA in place, US and Canadian companies woould no longer have to resort to using Jersey-registed shell companies to pursue such disputes. Instead their rights to sue governments that they deem to reduce their profits could be pursued directly and without subterfuge.

“Cheerleaders of TTIP, the toxic trade deal being pushed by the EU and the USA, have accused its many critics of exaggerating the threat that it poses to democracy”, said Nick Dearden. “But this is a clear example of how we are leaving ourselves vulnerable to an enormous corporate power grab.”

 


 

Oliver Tickell edits The Ecologist.

 






Fracking fast-track stacks odds against planning refusal





Energy secretary Amber Rudd yesterday announced that planning applications for fracking must be “fast-tracked” by local authorities or the government will step in.

According to the press release from DECC, the energy department, “Shale gas planning applications will be fast-tracked through a new, dedicated planning process, under measures announced today.”

Rudd said: “To ensure we get this industry up and running we can’t have a planning system that sees applications dragged out for months, or even years on end.”

She added that oversight by the Health and Safety Executive and the Environment Agency of shale developments “makes our commitment to safety and the environment crystal clear.”

The measures include “identifying councils that repeatedly fail to determine oil and gas applications within the 16 week statutory timeframe, with subsequent applications potentially decided by the Communities Secretary.”

In addition shale applications will be added “as a specific criterion for recovery of appeals”; planning ‘call-ins’ and appeals involving shale applications are to be “prioritised by the Planning Inspectorate”; and the government will take forward work on “revising permitted development rights for drilling boreholes for groundwater monitoring.”

‘Which part of the information would you be prepared to overlook?’

Speaking on the BBC this morning, Rudd complained that it had taken Lancashire Council over a year to determine Cuadrilla’s application and that this was unacceptable due to the “great opportunity of exploring for shale.”

However Jennifer Mein, Labour MP and leader of Lancashire County Council, said that the application was repeatedly delayed at Cuadrilla’s request, comprised many hundreds of pages of complex, detailed technical documents, triggered tens of thousands of letters that needed to be considered by planning officers, and was the first of its kind and would therefore set precedents for other applications.

“Which part of the information that we had to consider would Amber Rudd be prepared to overlook?” she asked. Amber Rudd failed to answer the question, instead insisting that it was only a question of making sure that local authorities obey planning law.

Greenpeace UK’s Head of Campaigns, Daisy Sands responded: “Local residents could end up with virtually no say over whether their homes and communities are fracked or not. This is a clear affront to local democracy.

“There is a double standard at play – the same government that is intent on driving through fracking at whatever cost has just given more powers to local councils to oppose wind farms, the cheapest source of clean energy.”

Friends of the Earth planning adviser Naomi Luhde-Thompson added: “Bulldozing fracking applications through the planning system, against the wishes of local people and councils, will simply fan the flames of mistrust and opposition. 
 
“Local authorities have been following the rules. These changes are being made because the Government doesn’t agree with the democratic decisions councils have been making.
 
“Rather than riding roughshod over local democracy to suit the interests of a dirty industry, ministers should champion real solutions to the energy challenges we face, such as boosting the UK’s huge renewable power potential and cutting energy waste.”

Tilting the playing field in favour of frackers

The real problem in all of this is that by imposing tight deadlines on the time for determining major planning applications to frack, it will make it far harder for councils to refuse permission.

This is because councils act as ‘quasi judicial’ authorities and are accountable for their decisions in law. And in the event of a refusal of planning permission, applicants are certain to appeal – as indeed Cuadrilla is doing in Lancashire.

That means that councils who refuse planning applications need to have a robust case for doing so that will withstand the most stringent legal tests that are certain to take place at planning appeals and in any actions for Judicial Review. In many cases these action would result in heavy costs and penalties levied against them.

In the case of Cuadrilla’s recent applications in Lancashire, councillors only voted against the application after reviewing three separate legal opinions by senior barristers.

The Council’s own legal opinion advised granting permission to one of the applications as any appeal against refusal was certain to succeed and heavy costs would be applied. However the two independent opinions took the opposite view, and this led to the rejection of both applications.

Given the immense volume of highly technical information to be reviewed and tested by planning authorities, the task of constructing a watertight legal case to support refusal while operating under tight deadlines will present local authorities with a huge and in many cases impregnable challenge.

Furthermore many planning authorities with no experience of dealing with applications for oil and gas development will lack internal expertise to properly analyse and scrutinise them, and will therefore have to commission external expertise to do so – again adding time to the process.

Therefore many councils will find themselves compelled to accept planning applications to frack, even where refusal could be justified, in order to avoid the very real risk of successful appeals and costs awards to developers.

Councils will also know that if the government takes over planning applications, as the measures announced today provide for, then approval will be the almost certain outcome given its relentless pro-fracking policies.

And this is surely the precise intention of the measures that the government has announced today: to make it ever harder for councils to refuse planning applications for fracking even where they are highly unpopular and there are strong reasons in planning law for so doing.

 


 

Petition:Scrap Fracking UK Wide & Invest in Green Energy‘ – official UK Government petition for UK residents only.

Oliver Tickell edits The Ecologist.

 






For Labour to win, green must be the new red





At last, in the final stages of the Labour leadership election, one candidate has highlighted the need for greener policies.

In his striking ‘green manifesto‘ Jeremy Corbyn has called for “a renewable energy revolution”, an end to fracking, democratisation of railways, energy and water supply, and a firm NO to new nuclear power stations.

Contrary to the dire warnings of Corbyn’s unelectability from Tony Blair, Jack Straw, Alistair Campbell and other alumni of the New Labour project, there’s every reason to believe that these policies – especially the commitment to renewable energy – would help Labour regain electoral approval.

Two observations about their May 7th defeat suggest that Labour’s manifesto was nowhere near green enough.

The first was the unexpected loss of 40 seats in Scotland to the SNP. Labour’s lukewarm support for renewable energy contrasted strongly with the SNP’s clear commitment to an all-renewable electricity supply in Scotland by 2020.

Secondly, over all the UK, Labour’s gain in the share of the poll (1.5%) was well behind that of the Green Party (2.8%).

Green energy is popular with the UK electorate

The surveys made by the Department of Energy and Climate Change (DECC) in recent years suggest that the SNP policies on the renewables are much closer to the views of the electorate than Labour’s manifesto.

DECC’s latest survey shows that between 65% and 81% of the UK public support wind power and solar power. Even when respondents were asked if they would be happy with “a large scale renewable energy development in my area”, support for the renewables does not fall far (55% are still in favour).

Labour, which gained the support of just over 30% of those who voted in May, should have done much more to differentiate their energy policies from the Tories and UKIP who opposed wind and solar farms.

The popularity of onshore wind power (65%) is nearly twice the support for nuclear (33%) and more than three times that for shale gas (21%).

DECC did not ask respondents if they would like new nuclear reactors or shale gas extraction in their neighbourhood. No doubt these low percentages favouring nuclear and fracking would have fallen even further had they done so.

The Labour Manifesto: blue with a hint of green

Labour’s manifesto commitments on energy were closer to those of the Tory party than the SNP. True, renewable energy was top of Labour’s priorities but high-carbon nuclear power came second.

Environmentalists would have been pleased to see green gas coming third, but immediately disappointed by the next sentence. This proposed “a robust environmental and regulatory regime” for what was euphemistically called “onshore unconventional oil and gas”, deliberately obscuring the support this policy implied for fracking.

In practice, under the most ‘robust’ of the regulatory regimes in America, methane escape during fracking still results in higher carbon emissions than coal burning.

DECC’s surveys suggest that a Labour proposal to shift some of the massive, existing natural gas subsidies to green gas would have been more popular with the electorate than their support for fracking.

Such a policy might even have won Labour some of the pro-Tory farming vote. The natural gas subsidies could be used to incentivise the collection of farm waste for anaerobic digestion and so produce biomethane green gas.

This would have been far more popular with farmers than the coalition government’s policy of bribing them to accept fracking on their land with the attendant risk of contaminated water supplies. Anaerobic digestion of farm waste has an extremely low carbon footprint as, if left to rot, the farm waste produces copious greenhouse gases.

This switch of subsidy would also have been more consistent with Labour’s popular proposal to freeze energy prices. The price of fracked gas will remain uncertain until the wells have been dug and yields established. Also the cost of drilling for gas in a “robust regulatory regime” is likely to be higher than the simpler process of anaerobic digestion.

Meanwhile an encouraging feature of the expansion of PV and onshore wind power in the UK is that there are now over 5,000 community renewable energy projects in the UK. Tax breaks for these schemes were ended in the last month of the coalition government.

The new government’s cuts to wind and solar farm subsidies will hit community energy groups further. Many of these groups are cooperatives. This should have been a bigger issue in Labour’s ill-fated May campaign. Surely it is one issue around which all parts of the Labour Party – indeed the nation – can unite?

Nuclear power is a vote loser

Labour’s manifesto support for nuclear power was also inconsistent with their commitment to freeze electricity prices. Should new nuclear reactors ever be built, the massive subsidies necessary to convince sceptical investors to fund them will appear as increased costs to the consumers.

On the other hand, had Labour given stronger support for solar and wind power, they would have been supporting the technologies that are already reducing the wholesale cost of electricity in Germany.

The Tory government’s cuts will slow the rate of increase of the renewables in the UK. Fortunately PV and offshore wind are expanding exponentially in the UK. Even if the rate of increase slows, large amounts of renewable power capacity will be installed in the decade it would take to build a third generation reactor.

Any new reactors will be redundant before they start and too expensive to operate. The wholesale price of electricity in the UK will have fallen, as it already has in Germany, thanks to the high level of renewable power generation.

Should the new reactor work, the government’s ‘contract for difference‘ will ensure the lower market price will result in electricity consumers having to pay even higher subsidies for nuclear power, for an astonishing 35 year period – renewable energy projects are typically supported for just 15 or 20 years.

The last Labour government decided new nuclear reactors were necessary within five months of deciding to renew the Trident missile system. The two decisions may well have been linked. Labour’s continued support for nuclear power probably owes much to a wish to preserve jobs in the nuclear industry.

In practice the jobs that the large nuclear subsidies are aiming to support are mainly in French and Chinese government controlled companies. If no new nuclear reactors are built, the UK nuclear industry will be able to concentrate on a far more necessary task, namely finding a way to keep nuclear waste out of the environment and out of terrorist hands for hundreds of thousands of years.

The government is committed to spending around £3 billion a year indefinitely for this task. Could there be a more secure ‘ob for life’?

Green policies for the new Labour leadership

We know that a Corbyn win would bring Labour in a much greener direction, and that has to be welcomed. But of course he may yet not win, as his oppenents gather to put their weight behind a single candidate, Yvette Cooper, as their best chance of defeating him.

A quick trawl of her Yvette for Labour website reveals that she has dedicated only two speeches to ‘green issues’, both of them on fox hunting. The words ‘fracking’, ‘nuclear’ and ‘wind’ receive no mentions at all.

She once mentioned ‘climate’ in her nomination speech of 15th June, saying “Our role in the world is changing, with deep uncertainty over our relationship with Europe, and new global challenges to face including climate change and the rise of ISIL.”

And ‘solar’ came up once in a speech calling for a revolution in science and research, in which she demanded “Long term policy certainty – for example not chopping and changing as the Government did on solar feed in tariffs.”

All in all, Yvette Cooper has said little to suggest that environmental issues are any more than a tangential concern – certainly when compared to Corbyn’s substantial and detailed green plan for Britain.

But no matter who wins the contest, the new Labour leadership should propose two simple and straightforward energy policies and encourage others to follow suit at the UN Climate Conference in Paris in December.

Firstly, an limit on greenhouse gas emissions for all new electricity generation at the Committee on Climate Change’s recommended level of 50 gCO2/kWh. In effect, the only new electricity generators would be renewable ones. Expanding at their current exponential rates, renewables are capable of giving the UK a safe and sustainable, all-renewable, electricity supply before 2030.

Secondly, Labour should commit to switching the (much larger) government subsidies on fossil fuels, and those planned for new nuclear power stations, to renewables and all the associated changes in energy infrastructure.

These two policies would be popular with the electorate, lead to cheaper energy prices, combat climate change and give us a cleaner, healthier environment. What’s not to vote for?

 



Keith Barnham is author of ‘The Burning Answer: a user’s guide to the solar revolution‘ and Emeritus Professor of Physics at Imperial College London.

 






‘Inside Sellafield’ and military plutonium – the BBC’s nuclear lies of omission





To mark the 70th anniversary of the first detonations of atomic bombs, two of which were used to immolate over 200,000 people instantly when exploded over the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki respectively on 6 and 9 August 1945, the BBC has created a special ‘nuclear season’ of programmes examining the civil and military aspects of nuclear energy.

For one of these programmes the BBC commissioned Baghdad-born Professor Jameel ‘Jim’ Al-Khalili, theoretical physicist and Chair in the Public Engagement in Science from the University of Surrey, to research and present one programme called ‘Britain’s Nuclear Secrets: Inside Sellafield‘.

As a regular BBC broadcaster, hosting the long-running The Life Scientific on Radio 4, and maker of several science television programmes on television, including on quantum physics and the history of electricity, he was eminently qualified to make this programme.

However the programme was highly misleading thanks to major omissions, concealing the severity of accidents, and how the UK’s entire ‘civilian’ nuclear programme was subverted into producing military plutonium that fed into the Sellafield bomb factory.

Enough plutonium for over 30 nuclear bombs leaked out

For example, Al-Kalilili spent considerable time explain the key role of the £2.85bn Thermal Oxide Reprocessing plant (THORP), opened in 1994, once Sellafield’s ‘jewel in the atomic crown’. But he completely glossed over the severity of the THORP accident that disabled the plant for four years in 2004.

In May 2005, it was first reported that a serious leak of highly radioactive nuclear fuel dissolved in concentrated nitric acid – enough to half fill an Olympic-size swimming pool – had forced the facility’s closure.

The highly dangerous mixture, containing about 22 tonnes of uranium and plutonium fuel, in liquid form, with a volume of around 83m3, had leaked through a fractured pipe into a huge stainless steel chamber in the ‘feed clarification cell’.

The Nuclear Installations Inspectorate – now the Office for Nuclear Regulation – report on the accident, issued in December 2005, said that 160kg of plutonium was leaked – enough to make more than 30 nuclear weapons. The NII investigation identified that the company had been in breach of nuclear site licence conditions at the Sellafield site.

The Financial Times reported in May 2005 there was some evidence to suggest that the pipe may have started to fail in July or August 2004. Failure of the pipe (at which point significant amounts of liquor started to be released into the cell) is believed to have occurred in mid-January 2005.

However, in the period between January 2005 (and perhaps earlier) and April 19 2005, opportunities, such as cell sampling and level measurements, were missed which would have shown that material was escaping to secondary containment.

Operations staff at Sellafield then failed to act appropriately to consequent off-normal conditions, according to Sellafield Ltd’s board of inquiry report, ‘Fractured Pipe with Loss of Primary Containment in the THORP Feed Clarification Cell‘, dated 26 May 2005, but released publicly in redacted form on 29 June 2005.

The most extraordinary conclusion of the report reads: “Given the history of such events so far, it seems likely there will remain a significant chance of further plant failures in the future, even with the comprehensive implementation of the recommendations of this report.” (emphasis added)

For an unknown reason the report of this hugely significant accident is listed on the Sellafield Ltd website under the section on ‘operational excellence’.

£2 million a day lost for six years

This initially led to a near three-year closure, with a loss of £2 million a day, if BNFL’s claims of the value of operating THORP are to be believed. A further closure of THORP followed due to a separate incident.

On October 16 2006 at Carlisle Crown Court, Sellafield Ltd was fined £300,000 for the breach of licence condition 27, £100,000 for the breach of licence condition 24 and £100,000 for the breach of licence condition 34.

Regional campaign group, Cumbrians Opposed to a Radioactive Environment (CORE) published critique of THORP’s operations in March this year, noting that it has reprocessed just over 5,000 tonnes in its 20 years to 2014 due to numerous ‘events’ – yet had a design capacity of 1,000-1,200 tonnes per year.

If THORP meets its currently scheduled 2018 closure date ‘with all contracts completed’, the plant will have reprocessed a total of 9500 tonnes of spent fuel over 25 years of operation at an average annual rate of 380 tonnes per year (or 420 tonnes per year if the plant’s extended closure from 2005 is taken into account) – just one-third of design specification.

CORE explains: “THORP’s failure to reprocess the projected 7,000 tonnes – by almost 2,000 tonnes – in the first ten years resulted from a catalogue of unplanned closures over the decade, the first striking within days of the plant’s opening when a spillage of nitric acid ate its way through cables and instrumentation and forced a shut-down of several weeks.

“The official down-playing of the extent and consequences of the leak was to become a common feature of many future accidents and unplanned stoppages which, when added to the planned outages, have contributed to a major loss of operational time over the last 20 years – and resulted in the 7,000 tonne baseload contracts being completed only in December 2012, some 9 years late.

“Now in its 21st year of operation, THORP has been subjected to a series of closures – a majority unplanned – totalling some 6 years over the last 20 years.

“As a further damning indictment of THORP’s under-performance, these missed annual targets, set recently at around 400 tonnes per year, are but a pale shadow of BNFL’s original claim that THORP would reprocess 1,000 tonnes per year in the first ten years of operation (a design target not once achieved) and 800 tonnes per year thereafter – now wholly out of THORP’s reach.

Cancelled contracts

“Against this background it is unsurprising that those customers – whose continued support was being relied on by BNFL – were unprepared to give THORP any further business.

“Indeed, rather than securing a single new contract from overseas, as originally projected, contracts from German utilities were cancelled in the plant’s first year of operation – losing BNFL an estimated £250m.

“When summarised, THORP’s poor reprocessing performance together with years lost through unplanned stoppages, the failure to meet targets and the loss of contracts and customer confidence, paint a picture of a plant that bears no resemblance to the world-leading flagship image portrayed by BNFL 21 years ago. The only ‘attribute’ still to be qualified is the claim of THORP’s £500M profit in the first ten years of operation.

“Though its faltering performance and inept management has badly holed the overrated THORP flagship below the waterline, the views of an ex-BNFL Director who was heavily involved in the battle to open THORP, add a further dimension.

“In his book Inside Sellafield, the long serving Harold Bolter suggests that the figures fed into the plant’s economic case by BNFL ‘have turned out to be incorrect in several important respects’ and more tellingly that ‘if the highly complex plant fails to operate to its projected standard, it will become a huge financial drain on the nation.’

Calder Hall’s dual mission – power and bombs

Speaking from inside the plant, Professor Al-Khalili described Calder Hall as “the world’s first commercial nuclear power station.” This is untrue in two ways. Calder Hall was not a ‘commercial’ nuclear power plant, but a plutonium production plant run by the UK Atomic Energy Authority for the Ministry of Defence to provide nuclear explosive materials for nuclear warheads.

The only sense it was ‘commercial’ is that its opening – by the young Queen Elizabeth on 17th October 1956 with the words “This new power, which has proved itself to be such a terrifying weapon of destruction, is harnessed for the first time for the common good of our community” – has been used many times use as propaganda for the UK nuclear industry.

Unforgivably, the UK Atomic Energy Authority put false words into the mouth of Queen Elizabeth. The nuclear industry was born with a big lie!

In fact it was clearly stated at the time of the plant’s opening, in a remarkable little book entitled Calder Hall: The Story of Britain’s First Atomic Power Station, written by Kenneth Jay, and published by the Government’s Atomic Energy Research Establishment at Harwell to mark Calder’s commissioning in October 1956.

Jay wrote: “Major plants built for military purposes such as Calder Hall are being used as prototypes for civil plants … the plant has been designed as a dual-purpose plant to produce plutonium for military purposes as well as electric power … it would be wrong to pretend that the civil programme has not benefitted from, and is not to some extent dependent upon, the military programme.”

The first Hinkley nuclear plant’s military production role

Al’Khalili positively asserted that with Calder Hall’s opening, “Britain had become a nuclear powered nation”, as he explained how the first generation of nuclear power plants emerged after Calder Hall. What the did not explain was how these too were used as support reactors for military plutonium production.

On 17 June 1958 the Ministry of Defence issued little noticed press statement on “the production of plutonium suitable for weapons in the new [nuclear ] power stations programme as an insurance against future defence needs” in the UK’s first generation Magnox reactor.

A week later in the UK Parliament, opposition Labour MPs Roy Mason, asked why Her Majesty’s Government had “decided to modify atomic power stations, primarily planned for peaceful purposes, to produce high-grade plutonium for war weapons; to what extent this will interfere with the atomic power programme; and if he will make a statement?”

He was informed as follows by the Paymaster General, Reginald Maudling: “At the request of the Government, the Central Electricity Generating Board has agreed to a small modification in the design of Hinkley Point and of the next two stations in its programme so as to enable plutonium suitable for military purposes to be extracted should the need arise.

“The modifications will not in any way impair the efficiency of the stations. As the initial capital cost and any additional operating costs that may be incurred will be borne by the Government, the price of electricity will not be affected.

“The Government made this request in order to provide the country, at comparatively small cost, with a most valuable insurance against possible future defence requirements. The cost of providing such insurance by any other means would be extremely heavy.” [Hansard, 24 June 1958 cols. 246-8.]

This was challenged by Roy Mason, but the minister retorted: “The hon. Gentleman says that it is an imposition. The only imposition on the country would have arisen if the Government had met our defence requirements for plutonium by means far more expensive than those proposed in this suggestion.”

Military plutonium manufactured at Hinkley

The headline story in the Bridgwater Mercury, serving the community around Hinkley, on that day, 24th June 1958 was “Military plutonium to be manufactured at Hinkley”.

The article explained: “An ingenious method has been designed for changing the plant without reducing the output of electricity”. The recently formed CND was reported to be critical, describing this as a “distressing step” insisting: “The Government is obsessed with a nuclear militarism which seems insane.”

The left wing Tribune magazine of 27th June 1958 was equally critical of the deal under the headline “Sabotage in the Atom Stations”:

“For the sake of making more nuclear weapons, the Government has dealt a heavy blow at the development of atomic power stations. Unless this disastrous decision is reversed, we shall pay dearly in more ways than one for the sacrifice made on the grim altar of the H-bomb.”

Then, on 3rd July 1958, the United Kingdom and United States signed a detailed agreement on co-operation on nuclear weapons development, after several months of Congressional hearings in Washington DC, but no oversight whatsoever in the UK Parliament.

A month later Mr Maudling told backbencher Alan Green MP in Parliament that: “Three nuclear power stations are being modified, but whether they will ever be used to produce military grade plutonium will be for decision later and will depend on defence requirements. The first two stations, at Bradwell and Berkeley, are not being modified and the decision to modify three subsequent stations was taken solely as a precaution for defence purposes.” [Hansard, 1st August 1958 cols. 228-9.]

Following further detailed negotiations, the Ango-American Mutual Defense Agreement (defence is spelled with an ‘s’ even in the British version, giving a hint as to where the bilateral treaty was drafted) on Atomic Energy matters to give it its full treaty title, was amended on 7th May 1959, to permit the exchange of nuclear explosive material including plutonium and enriched uranium for military purposes.

The Times science correspondent wrote on 8 May 1959 under the headline: “Production of Weapons at Short Notice”: “The most important technical fact behind the agreement is that of civil grade – such as will be produced in British civil nuclear power stations- can now be used in weapons”.

Within a month, Mr Maudling in Parliament told Tory back bencher, Wing Commander Eric Bullus MP – who had asked the Paymaster-General “What change there has been in the intention to modify three nuclear power stations to enable plutonium suitable for military use to be extracted should the need arise?”:

“Last year Her Majesty’s Government asked the Central Electricity Generating Board to make a small modification in the design of certain power stations to enable plutonium suitable for military purposes to be extracted if need should arise.

“Having taken into account recent developments, including the latest agreement with the United States, and having re-assessed the fissile material which will become available for military purposes from all sources, it has been decided to restrict the modifications to one power station, namely, Hinkley Point.” (emphasis added) [Hansard, 22 June 1959 cols 847-9.]

The Sellafield cooling ponds – part of Britain’s bomb factory

In another extraordinary omission, Al’Khalili stood by the infamous Sellafield holding ponds stuffed full of nuclear waste, describing them as having simply been used for storing spent fuel rods and other high level wastes.

What he failed to mention was their role as a key part of the plutonium making process for thge UK’s nuclear bombs. As The Ecologist reported last October when revealing photographs showing the shocking state of the ponds:

“The two adjacent fuel storage ponds, which lie between the old Windscale nuclear piles, were part of the military plutonium production line using the Windscale spent fuel until the Windscale diasaster in 1957.

“With the Windscale piles out of commission, they were then adapted to receive nuclear waste from civilian power stations such as Calder Hall and Hinkley Point.

“The first pond in the plutonium production line is B30, which is open to the elements. From there underwater tunnels were used to convey the fuel-bearing skips to other ponds and silos within the adjacent building, where the fuel rods were ‘decanned’ from their cladding.

“The fuel was then dissolved in concentrated acids in the B203 reprocessing plant, where the plutonium for Britain’s nuclear weapons programme was chemically separated using the PUREX process. Both ponds contain a mix of fuel, sludge, and other miscellaneous nuclear wastes.”

As nuclear expert John Large – who gave evidence on the topic to the House of Commons Environment Comittee in 1986 explained, the ponds were not just forgotten about as Al’Khalili seemed to think, but were abandoned after being overloaded with leaking fuel rods:

“During the three-day week they powered up the Magnox reactors to maximum, and so much fuel was coming into Sellafield that it overwhelmed the line, and stayed in the pool too long.

“The magesium fuel rod coverings corroded due to the acidity in the ponds, and began to degrade and expose the nuclear fuel itself to the water, so they just lost control of the reprocessing line at a time when the ponds were crammed with intensely radioactive nuclear fuel.”

“This left the fuel in a very unstable condition, with actual nuclear fuel complete with uranium 238, 235 and all the fission products, in contact with water. The problem then is that you get corrosion with the formation of hydride salts which leads to swelling, outside cracks, and metal-air reactions.

The whole fuel ponds began to look like milk of magnesia, and what with the poor inventories that had been kept, no one even knew what was in there any more. Even the Euratom nuclear proliferation inspectors complained about it as there was by some estimates over a tonne of plutonium sitting there in the fuel rods and as sludge that was never properly accounted for.”

The spectre of the new nuclear renaissance

Al’Khalili then went on to give every impression that high level nuclear waste can be safely stored using the process of ‘vitrification’, that is, turning it in glass, and so binding the waste safely into a permanent, impermeable matrix.

What he failed to mention is that the glass is by no means permanent and durable storage medium for “thousands of generations” as the glass is liable to break down – and that the problem of long term disposal of these wastes remains unsolved. For example, as R C Ewing and colleagues wrote in 1995 in the journal Progress in Nuclear Energy,

“the post-disposal radiation damage to waste form glasses and crystalline ceramics is significant. The cumulative α-decay doses which are projected for nuclear waste glasses … are well within the range for which important changes in the physical and chemical properties may occur, e.g. the transition from the crystalline-to-aperiodic state in ceramics.”

Al’Khalili ended his programme waxing lyrical about the prospects of a new generation of British reactors being built, including several planned alongside the Sellafield site, in a project known as Moorside.

Recently, Martin Forwood of CORE explained that “The ‘biggest construction project in Europe’ is expanding from Nugen’s original 200 hectare site to 552 hectares of farmland reaching right up to two villages and an 11th Century church. But with compulsory purchase on the cards, there’s nothing locals can do except keep on fighting the entire deeply flawed project.”

Marianne Birkby, another indefatigable local Cumbrian campaigner agains the nuclear industry, has written to the BBC Trust – responsible for BBC broadcast standards to complain about the bias in Professor AlKhalili’s programme

Birkby heads her complaint “Biased Infomercial”, arguing: “The programme purports to be investigative journalism when it is an infomercial for the nuclear industry and the government’s new build agenda. ‘The real story’ suggests impartiality. While the programme reiterates in a misleadingly superficial way the known dangers of nuclear power there was no attempt at all by the programme makers to speak to opponents of nuclear power or even whistleblowers from within the industry.

“PR group Copper Consultancy have advised the nuclear industry / government bodies such as DECC to use ‘science champions’ to promote new nuclear development. Jim Al-Khalili is one of BBC’s foremost science champions. He rounds off the programme with enthusiastic endorsements for new nuclear build while standing within the ancient field systems that are under threat of new nuclear development.

“This is at the time when there is a consultation going on. Grass roots group Radiation Free Lakeland have been aggressively warned off sending any briefings from independent scientists about new build to Copeland Council’s Nationally Significant Infrastructure Panel as ‘it might prejudice decisions.’

“This BBC4 infomercial masquerading as investigative journalism is entirely prejudicial in its promotion of new nuclear build.”

She is right to raise her objections. As I have explained, they actually go even deeper and wider than she sets out.

The two professors – have they lost their critical faculties?

The ‘programme consultant’ was Professor Andrea Sella, a chemist and broadcaster based at University CollegeLondon where he is a Professor of Inorganic Chemistry. He sits on the Scientific Advisory Board of the Cheltenham Science Festival and on the Education Committee of the Royal Institution. He was awarded the 2014 Michael Faraday Prize from The Royal Society for “his excellent work in science communication”.

It makes me wonder what happened to the critical faculties of these two professors when they made this programme. The BBC and its editors should be ashamed at allowing such a biased programme to making it to air.

 


 

The programme:Britain’s Nuclear Secrets: Inside Sellafield‘ was broadcast on BBC4 on Monday 10th August.

Dr David Lowry is Senior research fellow, Institute for Resource and Security Studies, Cambridge, MA, USA.

Additional reporting by The Ecologist.

 






‘Inside Sellafield’ and military plutonium – the BBC’s nuclear lies of omission





To mark the 70th anniversary of the first detonations of atomic bombs, two of which were used to immolate over 200,000 people instantly when exploded over the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki respectively on 6 and 9 August 1945, the BBC has created a special ‘nuclear season’ of programmes examining the civil and military aspects of nuclear energy.

For one of these programmes the BBC commissioned Baghdad-born Professor Jameel ‘Jim’ Al-Khalili, theoretical physicist and Chair in the Public Engagement in Science from the University of Surrey, to research and present one programme called ‘Britain’s Nuclear Secrets: Inside Sellafield‘.

As a regular BBC broadcaster, hosting the long-running The Life Scientific on Radio 4, and maker of several science television programmes on television, including on quantum physics and the history of electricity, he was eminently qualified to make this programme.

However the programme was highly misleading thanks to major omissions, concealing the severity of accidents, and how the UK’s entire ‘civilian’ nuclear programme was subverted into producing military plutonium that fed into the Sellafield bomb factory.

Enough plutonium for over 30 nuclear bombs leaked out

For example, Al-Kalilili spent considerable time explain the key role of the £2.85bn Thermal Oxide Reprocessing plant (THORP), opened in 1994, once Sellafield’s ‘jewel in the atomic crown’. But he completely glossed over the severity of the THORP accident that disabled the plant for four years in 2004.

In May 2005, it was first reported that a serious leak of highly radioactive nuclear fuel dissolved in concentrated nitric acid – enough to half fill an Olympic-size swimming pool – had forced the facility’s closure.

The highly dangerous mixture, containing about 22 tonnes of uranium and plutonium fuel, in liquid form, with a volume of around 83m3, had leaked through a fractured pipe into a huge stainless steel chamber in the ‘feed clarification cell’.

The Nuclear Installations Inspectorate – now the Office for Nuclear Regulation – report on the accident, issued in December 2005, said that 160kg of plutonium was leaked – enough to make more than 30 nuclear weapons. The NII investigation identified that the company had been in breach of nuclear site licence conditions at the Sellafield site.

The Financial Times reported in May 2005 there was some evidence to suggest that the pipe may have started to fail in July or August 2004. Failure of the pipe (at which point significant amounts of liquor started to be released into the cell) is believed to have occurred in mid-January 2005.

However, in the period between January 2005 (and perhaps earlier) and April 19 2005, opportunities, such as cell sampling and level measurements, were missed which would have shown that material was escaping to secondary containment.

Operations staff at Sellafield then failed to act appropriately to consequent off-normal conditions, according to Sellafield Ltd’s board of inquiry report, ‘Fractured Pipe with Loss of Primary Containment in the THORP Feed Clarification Cell‘, dated 26 May 2005, but released publicly in redacted form on 29 June 2005.

The most extraordinary conclusion of the report reads: “Given the history of such events so far, it seems likely there will remain a significant chance of further plant failures in the future, even with the comprehensive implementation of the recommendations of this report.” (emphasis added)

For an unknown reason the report of this hugely significant accident is listed on the Sellafield Ltd website under the section on ‘operational excellence’.

£2 million a day lost for six years

This initially led to a near three-year closure, with a loss of £2 million a day, if BNFL’s claims of the value of operating THORP are to be believed. A further closure of THORP followed due to a separate incident.

On October 16 2006 at Carlisle Crown Court, Sellafield Ltd was fined £300,000 for the breach of licence condition 27, £100,000 for the breach of licence condition 24 and £100,000 for the breach of licence condition 34.

Regional campaign group, Cumbrians Opposed to a Radioactive Environment (CORE) published critique of THORP’s operations in March this year, noting that it has reprocessed just over 5,000 tonnes in its 20 years to 2014 due to numerous ‘events’ – yet had a design capacity of 1,000-1,200 tonnes per year.

If THORP meets its currently scheduled 2018 closure date ‘with all contracts completed’, the plant will have reprocessed a total of 9500 tonnes of spent fuel over 25 years of operation at an average annual rate of 380 tonnes per year (or 420 tonnes per year if the plant’s extended closure from 2005 is taken into account) – just one-third of design specification.

CORE explains: “THORP’s failure to reprocess the projected 7,000 tonnes – by almost 2,000 tonnes – in the first ten years resulted from a catalogue of unplanned closures over the decade, the first striking within days of the plant’s opening when a spillage of nitric acid ate its way through cables and instrumentation and forced a shut-down of several weeks.

“The official down-playing of the extent and consequences of the leak was to become a common feature of many future accidents and unplanned stoppages which, when added to the planned outages, have contributed to a major loss of operational time over the last 20 years – and resulted in the 7,000 tonne baseload contracts being completed only in December 2012, some 9 years late.

“Now in its 21st year of operation, THORP has been subjected to a series of closures – a majority unplanned – totalling some 6 years over the last 20 years.

“As a further damning indictment of THORP’s under-performance, these missed annual targets, set recently at around 400 tonnes per year, are but a pale shadow of BNFL’s original claim that THORP would reprocess 1,000 tonnes per year in the first ten years of operation (a design target not once achieved) and 800 tonnes per year thereafter – now wholly out of THORP’s reach.

Cancelled contracts

“Against this background it is unsurprising that those customers – whose continued support was being relied on by BNFL – were unprepared to give THORP any further business.

“Indeed, rather than securing a single new contract from overseas, as originally projected, contracts from German utilities were cancelled in the plant’s first year of operation – losing BNFL an estimated £250m.

“When summarised, THORP’s poor reprocessing performance together with years lost through unplanned stoppages, the failure to meet targets and the loss of contracts and customer confidence, paint a picture of a plant that bears no resemblance to the world-leading flagship image portrayed by BNFL 21 years ago. The only ‘attribute’ still to be qualified is the claim of THORP’s £500M profit in the first ten years of operation.

“Though its faltering performance and inept management has badly holed the overrated THORP flagship below the waterline, the views of an ex-BNFL Director who was heavily involved in the battle to open THORP, add a further dimension.

“In his book Inside Sellafield, the long serving Harold Bolter suggests that the figures fed into the plant’s economic case by BNFL ‘have turned out to be incorrect in several important respects’ and more tellingly that ‘if the highly complex plant fails to operate to its projected standard, it will become a huge financial drain on the nation.’

Calder Hall’s dual mission – power and bombs

Speaking from inside the plant, Professor Al-Khalili described Calder Hall as “the world’s first commercial nuclear power station.” This is untrue in two ways. Calder Hall was not a ‘commercial’ nuclear power plant, but a plutonium production plant run by the UK Atomic Energy Authority for the Ministry of Defence to provide nuclear explosive materials for nuclear warheads.

The only sense it was ‘commercial’ is that its opening – by the young Queen Elizabeth on 17th October 1956 with the words “This new power, which has proved itself to be such a terrifying weapon of destruction, is harnessed for the first time for the common good of our community” – has been used many times use as propaganda for the UK nuclear industry.

Unforgivably, the UK Atomic Energy Authority put false words into the mouth of Queen Elizabeth. The nuclear industry was born with a big lie!

In fact it was clearly stated at the time of the plant’s opening, in a remarkable little book entitled Calder Hall: The Story of Britain’s First Atomic Power Station, written by Kenneth Jay, and published by the Government’s Atomic Energy Research Establishment at Harwell to mark Calder’s commissioning in October 1956.

Jay wrote: “Major plants built for military purposes such as Calder Hall are being used as prototypes for civil plants … the plant has been designed as a dual-purpose plant to produce plutonium for military purposes as well as electric power … it would be wrong to pretend that the civil programme has not benefitted from, and is not to some extent dependent upon, the military programme.”

The first Hinkley nuclear plant’s military production role

Al’Khalili positively asserted that with Calder Hall’s opening, “Britain had become a nuclear powered nation”, as he explained how the first generation of nuclear power plants emerged after Calder Hall. What the did not explain was how these too were used as support reactors for military plutonium production.

On 17 June 1958 the Ministry of Defence issued little noticed press statement on “the production of plutonium suitable for weapons in the new [nuclear ] power stations programme as an insurance against future defence needs” in the UK’s first generation Magnox reactor.

A week later in the UK Parliament, opposition Labour MPs Roy Mason, asked why Her Majesty’s Government had “decided to modify atomic power stations, primarily planned for peaceful purposes, to produce high-grade plutonium for war weapons; to what extent this will interfere with the atomic power programme; and if he will make a statement?”

He was informed as follows by the Paymaster General, Reginald Maudling: “At the request of the Government, the Central Electricity Generating Board has agreed to a small modification in the design of Hinkley Point and of the next two stations in its programme so as to enable plutonium suitable for military purposes to be extracted should the need arise.

“The modifications will not in any way impair the efficiency of the stations. As the initial capital cost and any additional operating costs that may be incurred will be borne by the Government, the price of electricity will not be affected.

“The Government made this request in order to provide the country, at comparatively small cost, with a most valuable insurance against possible future defence requirements. The cost of providing such insurance by any other means would be extremely heavy.” [Hansard, 24 June 1958 cols. 246-8.]

This was challenged by Roy Mason, but the minister retorted: “The hon. Gentleman says that it is an imposition. The only imposition on the country would have arisen if the Government had met our defence requirements for plutonium by means far more expensive than those proposed in this suggestion.”

Military plutonium manufactured at Hinkley

The headline story in the Bridgwater Mercury, serving the community around Hinkley, on that day, 24th June 1958 was “Military plutonium to be manufactured at Hinkley”.

The article explained: “An ingenious method has been designed for changing the plant without reducing the output of electricity”. The recently formed CND was reported to be critical, describing this as a “distressing step” insisting: “The Government is obsessed with a nuclear militarism which seems insane.”

The left wing Tribune magazine of 27th June 1958 was equally critical of the deal under the headline “Sabotage in the Atom Stations”:

“For the sake of making more nuclear weapons, the Government has dealt a heavy blow at the development of atomic power stations. Unless this disastrous decision is reversed, we shall pay dearly in more ways than one for the sacrifice made on the grim altar of the H-bomb.”

Then, on 3rd July 1958, the United Kingdom and United States signed a detailed agreement on co-operation on nuclear weapons development, after several months of Congressional hearings in Washington DC, but no oversight whatsoever in the UK Parliament.

A month later Mr Maudling told backbencher Alan Green MP in Parliament that: “Three nuclear power stations are being modified, but whether they will ever be used to produce military grade plutonium will be for decision later and will depend on defence requirements. The first two stations, at Bradwell and Berkeley, are not being modified and the decision to modify three subsequent stations was taken solely as a precaution for defence purposes.” [Hansard, 1st August 1958 cols. 228-9.]

Following further detailed negotiations, the Ango-American Mutual Defense Agreement (defence is spelled with an ‘s’ even in the British version, giving a hint as to where the bilateral treaty was drafted) on Atomic Energy matters to give it its full treaty title, was amended on 7th May 1959, to permit the exchange of nuclear explosive material including plutonium and enriched uranium for military purposes.

The Times science correspondent wrote on 8 May 1959 under the headline: “Production of Weapons at Short Notice”: “The most important technical fact behind the agreement is that of civil grade – such as will be produced in British civil nuclear power stations- can now be used in weapons”.

Within a month, Mr Maudling in Parliament told Tory back bencher, Wing Commander Eric Bullus MP – who had asked the Paymaster-General “What change there has been in the intention to modify three nuclear power stations to enable plutonium suitable for military use to be extracted should the need arise?”:

“Last year Her Majesty’s Government asked the Central Electricity Generating Board to make a small modification in the design of certain power stations to enable plutonium suitable for military purposes to be extracted if need should arise.

“Having taken into account recent developments, including the latest agreement with the United States, and having re-assessed the fissile material which will become available for military purposes from all sources, it has been decided to restrict the modifications to one power station, namely, Hinkley Point.” (emphasis added) [Hansard, 22 June 1959 cols 847-9.]

The Sellafield cooling ponds – part of Britain’s bomb factory

In another extraordinary omission, Al’Khalili stood by the infamous Sellafield holding ponds stuffed full of nuclear waste, describing them as having simply been used for storing spent fuel rods and other high level wastes.

What he failed to mention was their role as a key part of the plutonium making process for thge UK’s nuclear bombs. As The Ecologist reported last October when revealing photographs showing the shocking state of the ponds:

“The two adjacent fuel storage ponds, which lie between the old Windscale nuclear piles, were part of the military plutonium production line using the Windscale spent fuel until the Windscale diasaster in 1957.

“With the Windscale piles out of commission, they were then adapted to receive nuclear waste from civilian power stations such as Calder Hall and Hinkley Point.

“The first pond in the plutonium production line is B30, which is open to the elements. From there underwater tunnels were used to convey the fuel-bearing skips to other ponds and silos within the adjacent building, where the fuel rods were ‘decanned’ from their cladding.

“The fuel was then dissolved in concentrated acids in the B203 reprocessing plant, where the plutonium for Britain’s nuclear weapons programme was chemically separated using the PUREX process. Both ponds contain a mix of fuel, sludge, and other miscellaneous nuclear wastes.”

As nuclear expert John Large – who gave evidence on the topic to the House of Commons Environment Comittee in 1986 explained, the ponds were not just forgotten about as Al’Khalili seemed to think, but were abandoned after being overloaded with leaking fuel rods:

“During the three-day week they powered up the Magnox reactors to maximum, and so much fuel was coming into Sellafield that it overwhelmed the line, and stayed in the pool too long.

“The magesium fuel rod coverings corroded due to the acidity in the ponds, and began to degrade and expose the nuclear fuel itself to the water, so they just lost control of the reprocessing line at a time when the ponds were crammed with intensely radioactive nuclear fuel.”

“This left the fuel in a very unstable condition, with actual nuclear fuel complete with uranium 238, 235 and all the fission products, in contact with water. The problem then is that you get corrosion with the formation of hydride salts which leads to swelling, outside cracks, and metal-air reactions.

The whole fuel ponds began to look like milk of magnesia, and what with the poor inventories that had been kept, no one even knew what was in there any more. Even the Euratom nuclear proliferation inspectors complained about it as there was by some estimates over a tonne of plutonium sitting there in the fuel rods and as sludge that was never properly accounted for.”

The spectre of the new nuclear renaissance

Al’Khalili then went on to give every impression that high level nuclear waste can be safely stored using the process of ‘vitrification’, that is, turning it in glass, and so binding the waste safely into a permanent, impermeable matrix.

What he failed to mention is that the glass is by no means permanent and durable storage medium for “thousands of generations” as the glass is liable to break down – and that the problem of long term disposal of these wastes remains unsolved. For example, as R C Ewing and colleagues wrote in 1995 in the journal Progress in Nuclear Energy,

“the post-disposal radiation damage to waste form glasses and crystalline ceramics is significant. The cumulative α-decay doses which are projected for nuclear waste glasses … are well within the range for which important changes in the physical and chemical properties may occur, e.g. the transition from the crystalline-to-aperiodic state in ceramics.”

Al’Khalili ended his programme waxing lyrical about the prospects of a new generation of British reactors being built, including several planned alongside the Sellafield site, in a project known as Moorside.

Recently, Martin Forwood of CORE explained that “The ‘biggest construction project in Europe’ is expanding from Nugen’s original 200 hectare site to 552 hectares of farmland reaching right up to two villages and an 11th Century church. But with compulsory purchase on the cards, there’s nothing locals can do except keep on fighting the entire deeply flawed project.”

Marianne Birkby, another indefatigable local Cumbrian campaigner agains the nuclear industry, has written to the BBC Trust – responsible for BBC broadcast standards to complain about the bias in Professor AlKhalili’s programme

Birkby heads her complaint “Biased Infomercial”, arguing: “The programme purports to be investigative journalism when it is an infomercial for the nuclear industry and the government’s new build agenda. ‘The real story’ suggests impartiality. While the programme reiterates in a misleadingly superficial way the known dangers of nuclear power there was no attempt at all by the programme makers to speak to opponents of nuclear power or even whistleblowers from within the industry.

“PR group Copper Consultancy have advised the nuclear industry / government bodies such as DECC to use ‘science champions’ to promote new nuclear development. Jim Al-Khalili is one of BBC’s foremost science champions. He rounds off the programme with enthusiastic endorsements for new nuclear build while standing within the ancient field systems that are under threat of new nuclear development.

“This is at the time when there is a consultation going on. Grass roots group Radiation Free Lakeland have been aggressively warned off sending any briefings from independent scientists about new build to Copeland Council’s Nationally Significant Infrastructure Panel as ‘it might prejudice decisions.’

“This BBC4 infomercial masquerading as investigative journalism is entirely prejudicial in its promotion of new nuclear build.”

She is right to raise her objections. As I have explained, they actually go even deeper and wider than she sets out.

The two professors – have they lost their critical faculties?

The ‘programme consultant’ was Professor Andrea Sella, a chemist and broadcaster based at University CollegeLondon where he is a Professor of Inorganic Chemistry. He sits on the Scientific Advisory Board of the Cheltenham Science Festival and on the Education Committee of the Royal Institution. He was awarded the 2014 Michael Faraday Prize from The Royal Society for “his excellent work in science communication”.

It makes me wonder what happened to the critical faculties of these two professors when they made this programme. The BBC and its editors should be ashamed at allowing such a biased programme to making it to air.

 


 

The programme:Britain’s Nuclear Secrets: Inside Sellafield‘ was broadcast on BBC4 on Monday 10th August.

Dr David Lowry is Senior research fellow, Institute for Resource and Security Studies, Cambridge, MA, USA.

Additional reporting by The Ecologist.

 






‘Inside Sellafield’ and military plutonium – the BBC’s nuclear lies of omission





To mark the 70th anniversary of the first detonations of atomic bombs, two of which were used to immolate over 200,000 people instantly when exploded over the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki respectively on 6 and 9 August 1945, the BBC has created a special ‘nuclear season’ of programmes examining the civil and military aspects of nuclear energy.

For one of these programmes the BBC commissioned Baghdad-born Professor Jameel ‘Jim’ Al-Khalili, theoretical physicist and Chair in the Public Engagement in Science from the University of Surrey, to research and present one programme called ‘Britain’s Nuclear Secrets: Inside Sellafield‘.

As a regular BBC broadcaster, hosting the long-running The Life Scientific on Radio 4, and maker of several science television programmes on television, including on quantum physics and the history of electricity, he was eminently qualified to make this programme.

However the programme was highly misleading thanks to major omissions, concealing the severity of accidents, and how the UK’s entire ‘civilian’ nuclear programme was subverted into producing military plutonium that fed into the Sellafield bomb factory.

Enough plutonium for over 30 nuclear bombs leaked out

For example, Al-Kalilili spent considerable time explain the key role of the £2.85bn Thermal Oxide Reprocessing plant (THORP), opened in 1994, once Sellafield’s ‘jewel in the atomic crown’. But he completely glossed over the severity of the THORP accident that disabled the plant for four years in 2004.

In May 2005, it was first reported that a serious leak of highly radioactive nuclear fuel dissolved in concentrated nitric acid – enough to half fill an Olympic-size swimming pool – had forced the facility’s closure.

The highly dangerous mixture, containing about 22 tonnes of uranium and plutonium fuel, in liquid form, with a volume of around 83m3, had leaked through a fractured pipe into a huge stainless steel chamber in the ‘feed clarification cell’.

The Nuclear Installations Inspectorate – now the Office for Nuclear Regulation – report on the accident, issued in December 2005, said that 160kg of plutonium was leaked – enough to make more than 30 nuclear weapons. The NII investigation identified that the company had been in breach of nuclear site licence conditions at the Sellafield site.

The Financial Times reported in May 2005 there was some evidence to suggest that the pipe may have started to fail in July or August 2004. Failure of the pipe (at which point significant amounts of liquor started to be released into the cell) is believed to have occurred in mid-January 2005.

However, in the period between January 2005 (and perhaps earlier) and April 19 2005, opportunities, such as cell sampling and level measurements, were missed which would have shown that material was escaping to secondary containment.

Operations staff at Sellafield then failed to act appropriately to consequent off-normal conditions, according to Sellafield Ltd’s board of inquiry report, ‘Fractured Pipe with Loss of Primary Containment in the THORP Feed Clarification Cell‘, dated 26 May 2005, but released publicly in redacted form on 29 June 2005.

The most extraordinary conclusion of the report reads: “Given the history of such events so far, it seems likely there will remain a significant chance of further plant failures in the future, even with the comprehensive implementation of the recommendations of this report.” (emphasis added)

For an unknown reason the report of this hugely significant accident is listed on the Sellafield Ltd website under the section on ‘operational excellence’.

£2 million a day lost for six years

This initially led to a near three-year closure, with a loss of £2 million a day, if BNFL’s claims of the value of operating THORP are to be believed. A further closure of THORP followed due to a separate incident.

On October 16 2006 at Carlisle Crown Court, Sellafield Ltd was fined £300,000 for the breach of licence condition 27, £100,000 for the breach of licence condition 24 and £100,000 for the breach of licence condition 34.

Regional campaign group, Cumbrians Opposed to a Radioactive Environment (CORE) published critique of THORP’s operations in March this year, noting that it has reprocessed just over 5,000 tonnes in its 20 years to 2014 due to numerous ‘events’ – yet had a design capacity of 1,000-1,200 tonnes per year.

If THORP meets its currently scheduled 2018 closure date ‘with all contracts completed’, the plant will have reprocessed a total of 9500 tonnes of spent fuel over 25 years of operation at an average annual rate of 380 tonnes per year (or 420 tonnes per year if the plant’s extended closure from 2005 is taken into account) – just one-third of design specification.

CORE explains: “THORP’s failure to reprocess the projected 7,000 tonnes – by almost 2,000 tonnes – in the first ten years resulted from a catalogue of unplanned closures over the decade, the first striking within days of the plant’s opening when a spillage of nitric acid ate its way through cables and instrumentation and forced a shut-down of several weeks.

“The official down-playing of the extent and consequences of the leak was to become a common feature of many future accidents and unplanned stoppages which, when added to the planned outages, have contributed to a major loss of operational time over the last 20 years – and resulted in the 7,000 tonne baseload contracts being completed only in December 2012, some 9 years late.

“Now in its 21st year of operation, THORP has been subjected to a series of closures – a majority unplanned – totalling some 6 years over the last 20 years.

“As a further damning indictment of THORP’s under-performance, these missed annual targets, set recently at around 400 tonnes per year, are but a pale shadow of BNFL’s original claim that THORP would reprocess 1,000 tonnes per year in the first ten years of operation (a design target not once achieved) and 800 tonnes per year thereafter – now wholly out of THORP’s reach.

Cancelled contracts

“Against this background it is unsurprising that those customers – whose continued support was being relied on by BNFL – were unprepared to give THORP any further business.

“Indeed, rather than securing a single new contract from overseas, as originally projected, contracts from German utilities were cancelled in the plant’s first year of operation – losing BNFL an estimated £250m.

“When summarised, THORP’s poor reprocessing performance together with years lost through unplanned stoppages, the failure to meet targets and the loss of contracts and customer confidence, paint a picture of a plant that bears no resemblance to the world-leading flagship image portrayed by BNFL 21 years ago. The only ‘attribute’ still to be qualified is the claim of THORP’s £500M profit in the first ten years of operation.

“Though its faltering performance and inept management has badly holed the overrated THORP flagship below the waterline, the views of an ex-BNFL Director who was heavily involved in the battle to open THORP, add a further dimension.

“In his book Inside Sellafield, the long serving Harold Bolter suggests that the figures fed into the plant’s economic case by BNFL ‘have turned out to be incorrect in several important respects’ and more tellingly that ‘if the highly complex plant fails to operate to its projected standard, it will become a huge financial drain on the nation.’

Calder Hall’s dual mission – power and bombs

Speaking from inside the plant, Professor Al-Khalili described Calder Hall as “the world’s first commercial nuclear power station.” This is untrue in two ways. Calder Hall was not a ‘commercial’ nuclear power plant, but a plutonium production plant run by the UK Atomic Energy Authority for the Ministry of Defence to provide nuclear explosive materials for nuclear warheads.

The only sense it was ‘commercial’ is that its opening – by the young Queen Elizabeth on 17th October 1956 with the words “This new power, which has proved itself to be such a terrifying weapon of destruction, is harnessed for the first time for the common good of our community” – has been used many times use as propaganda for the UK nuclear industry.

Unforgivably, the UK Atomic Energy Authority put false words into the mouth of Queen Elizabeth. The nuclear industry was born with a big lie!

In fact it was clearly stated at the time of the plant’s opening, in a remarkable little book entitled Calder Hall: The Story of Britain’s First Atomic Power Station, written by Kenneth Jay, and published by the Government’s Atomic Energy Research Establishment at Harwell to mark Calder’s commissioning in October 1956.

Jay wrote: “Major plants built for military purposes such as Calder Hall are being used as prototypes for civil plants … the plant has been designed as a dual-purpose plant to produce plutonium for military purposes as well as electric power … it would be wrong to pretend that the civil programme has not benefitted from, and is not to some extent dependent upon, the military programme.”

The first Hinkley nuclear plant’s military production role

Al’Khalili positively asserted that with Calder Hall’s opening, “Britain had become a nuclear powered nation”, as he explained how the first generation of nuclear power plants emerged after Calder Hall. What the did not explain was how these too were used as support reactors for military plutonium production.

On 17 June 1958 the Ministry of Defence issued little noticed press statement on “the production of plutonium suitable for weapons in the new [nuclear ] power stations programme as an insurance against future defence needs” in the UK’s first generation Magnox reactor.

A week later in the UK Parliament, opposition Labour MPs Roy Mason, asked why Her Majesty’s Government had “decided to modify atomic power stations, primarily planned for peaceful purposes, to produce high-grade plutonium for war weapons; to what extent this will interfere with the atomic power programme; and if he will make a statement?”

He was informed as follows by the Paymaster General, Reginald Maudling: “At the request of the Government, the Central Electricity Generating Board has agreed to a small modification in the design of Hinkley Point and of the next two stations in its programme so as to enable plutonium suitable for military purposes to be extracted should the need arise.

“The modifications will not in any way impair the efficiency of the stations. As the initial capital cost and any additional operating costs that may be incurred will be borne by the Government, the price of electricity will not be affected.

“The Government made this request in order to provide the country, at comparatively small cost, with a most valuable insurance against possible future defence requirements. The cost of providing such insurance by any other means would be extremely heavy.” [Hansard, 24 June 1958 cols. 246-8.]

This was challenged by Roy Mason, but the minister retorted: “The hon. Gentleman says that it is an imposition. The only imposition on the country would have arisen if the Government had met our defence requirements for plutonium by means far more expensive than those proposed in this suggestion.”

Military plutonium manufactured at Hinkley

The headline story in the Bridgwater Mercury, serving the community around Hinkley, on that day, 24th June 1958 was “Military plutonium to be manufactured at Hinkley”.

The article explained: “An ingenious method has been designed for changing the plant without reducing the output of electricity”. The recently formed CND was reported to be critical, describing this as a “distressing step” insisting: “The Government is obsessed with a nuclear militarism which seems insane.”

The left wing Tribune magazine of 27th June 1958 was equally critical of the deal under the headline “Sabotage in the Atom Stations”:

“For the sake of making more nuclear weapons, the Government has dealt a heavy blow at the development of atomic power stations. Unless this disastrous decision is reversed, we shall pay dearly in more ways than one for the sacrifice made on the grim altar of the H-bomb.”

Then, on 3rd July 1958, the United Kingdom and United States signed a detailed agreement on co-operation on nuclear weapons development, after several months of Congressional hearings in Washington DC, but no oversight whatsoever in the UK Parliament.

A month later Mr Maudling told backbencher Alan Green MP in Parliament that: “Three nuclear power stations are being modified, but whether they will ever be used to produce military grade plutonium will be for decision later and will depend on defence requirements. The first two stations, at Bradwell and Berkeley, are not being modified and the decision to modify three subsequent stations was taken solely as a precaution for defence purposes.” [Hansard, 1st August 1958 cols. 228-9.]

Following further detailed negotiations, the Ango-American Mutual Defense Agreement (defence is spelled with an ‘s’ even in the British version, giving a hint as to where the bilateral treaty was drafted) on Atomic Energy matters to give it its full treaty title, was amended on 7th May 1959, to permit the exchange of nuclear explosive material including plutonium and enriched uranium for military purposes.

The Times science correspondent wrote on 8 May 1959 under the headline: “Production of Weapons at Short Notice”: “The most important technical fact behind the agreement is that of civil grade – such as will be produced in British civil nuclear power stations- can now be used in weapons”.

Within a month, Mr Maudling in Parliament told Tory back bencher, Wing Commander Eric Bullus MP – who had asked the Paymaster-General “What change there has been in the intention to modify three nuclear power stations to enable plutonium suitable for military use to be extracted should the need arise?”:

“Last year Her Majesty’s Government asked the Central Electricity Generating Board to make a small modification in the design of certain power stations to enable plutonium suitable for military purposes to be extracted if need should arise.

“Having taken into account recent developments, including the latest agreement with the United States, and having re-assessed the fissile material which will become available for military purposes from all sources, it has been decided to restrict the modifications to one power station, namely, Hinkley Point.” (emphasis added) [Hansard, 22 June 1959 cols 847-9.]

The Sellafield cooling ponds – part of Britain’s bomb factory

In another extraordinary omission, Al’Khalili stood by the infamous Sellafield holding ponds stuffed full of nuclear waste, describing them as having simply been used for storing spent fuel rods and other high level wastes.

What he failed to mention was their role as a key part of the plutonium making process for thge UK’s nuclear bombs. As The Ecologist reported last October when revealing photographs showing the shocking state of the ponds:

“The two adjacent fuel storage ponds, which lie between the old Windscale nuclear piles, were part of the military plutonium production line using the Windscale spent fuel until the Windscale diasaster in 1957.

“With the Windscale piles out of commission, they were then adapted to receive nuclear waste from civilian power stations such as Calder Hall and Hinkley Point.

“The first pond in the plutonium production line is B30, which is open to the elements. From there underwater tunnels were used to convey the fuel-bearing skips to other ponds and silos within the adjacent building, where the fuel rods were ‘decanned’ from their cladding.

“The fuel was then dissolved in concentrated acids in the B203 reprocessing plant, where the plutonium for Britain’s nuclear weapons programme was chemically separated using the PUREX process. Both ponds contain a mix of fuel, sludge, and other miscellaneous nuclear wastes.”

As nuclear expert John Large – who gave evidence on the topic to the House of Commons Environment Comittee in 1986 explained, the ponds were not just forgotten about as Al’Khalili seemed to think, but were abandoned after being overloaded with leaking fuel rods:

“During the three-day week they powered up the Magnox reactors to maximum, and so much fuel was coming into Sellafield that it overwhelmed the line, and stayed in the pool too long.

“The magesium fuel rod coverings corroded due to the acidity in the ponds, and began to degrade and expose the nuclear fuel itself to the water, so they just lost control of the reprocessing line at a time when the ponds were crammed with intensely radioactive nuclear fuel.”

“This left the fuel in a very unstable condition, with actual nuclear fuel complete with uranium 238, 235 and all the fission products, in contact with water. The problem then is that you get corrosion with the formation of hydride salts which leads to swelling, outside cracks, and metal-air reactions.

The whole fuel ponds began to look like milk of magnesia, and what with the poor inventories that had been kept, no one even knew what was in there any more. Even the Euratom nuclear proliferation inspectors complained about it as there was by some estimates over a tonne of plutonium sitting there in the fuel rods and as sludge that was never properly accounted for.”

The spectre of the new nuclear renaissance

Al’Khalili then went on to give every impression that high level nuclear waste can be safely stored using the process of ‘vitrification’, that is, turning it in glass, and so binding the waste safely into a permanent, impermeable matrix.

What he failed to mention is that the glass is by no means permanent and durable storage medium for “thousands of generations” as the glass is liable to break down – and that the problem of long term disposal of these wastes remains unsolved. For example, as R C Ewing and colleagues wrote in 1995 in the journal Progress in Nuclear Energy,

“the post-disposal radiation damage to waste form glasses and crystalline ceramics is significant. The cumulative α-decay doses which are projected for nuclear waste glasses … are well within the range for which important changes in the physical and chemical properties may occur, e.g. the transition from the crystalline-to-aperiodic state in ceramics.”

Al’Khalili ended his programme waxing lyrical about the prospects of a new generation of British reactors being built, including several planned alongside the Sellafield site, in a project known as Moorside.

Recently, Martin Forwood of CORE explained that “The ‘biggest construction project in Europe’ is expanding from Nugen’s original 200 hectare site to 552 hectares of farmland reaching right up to two villages and an 11th Century church. But with compulsory purchase on the cards, there’s nothing locals can do except keep on fighting the entire deeply flawed project.”

Marianne Birkby, another indefatigable local Cumbrian campaigner agains the nuclear industry, has written to the BBC Trust – responsible for BBC broadcast standards to complain about the bias in Professor AlKhalili’s programme

Birkby heads her complaint “Biased Infomercial”, arguing: “The programme purports to be investigative journalism when it is an infomercial for the nuclear industry and the government’s new build agenda. ‘The real story’ suggests impartiality. While the programme reiterates in a misleadingly superficial way the known dangers of nuclear power there was no attempt at all by the programme makers to speak to opponents of nuclear power or even whistleblowers from within the industry.

“PR group Copper Consultancy have advised the nuclear industry / government bodies such as DECC to use ‘science champions’ to promote new nuclear development. Jim Al-Khalili is one of BBC’s foremost science champions. He rounds off the programme with enthusiastic endorsements for new nuclear build while standing within the ancient field systems that are under threat of new nuclear development.

“This is at the time when there is a consultation going on. Grass roots group Radiation Free Lakeland have been aggressively warned off sending any briefings from independent scientists about new build to Copeland Council’s Nationally Significant Infrastructure Panel as ‘it might prejudice decisions.’

“This BBC4 infomercial masquerading as investigative journalism is entirely prejudicial in its promotion of new nuclear build.”

She is right to raise her objections. As I have explained, they actually go even deeper and wider than she sets out.

The two professors – have they lost their critical faculties?

The ‘programme consultant’ was Professor Andrea Sella, a chemist and broadcaster based at University CollegeLondon where he is a Professor of Inorganic Chemistry. He sits on the Scientific Advisory Board of the Cheltenham Science Festival and on the Education Committee of the Royal Institution. He was awarded the 2014 Michael Faraday Prize from The Royal Society for “his excellent work in science communication”.

It makes me wonder what happened to the critical faculties of these two professors when they made this programme. The BBC and its editors should be ashamed at allowing such a biased programme to making it to air.

 


 

The programme:Britain’s Nuclear Secrets: Inside Sellafield‘ was broadcast on BBC4 on Monday 10th August.

Dr David Lowry is Senior research fellow, Institute for Resource and Security Studies, Cambridge, MA, USA.

Additional reporting by The Ecologist.

 






‘Inside Sellafield’ and military plutonium – the BBC’s nuclear lies of omission





To mark the 70th anniversary of the first detonations of atomic bombs, two of which were used to immolate over 200,000 people instantly when exploded over the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki respectively on 6 and 9 August 1945, the BBC has created a special ‘nuclear season’ of programmes examining the civil and military aspects of nuclear energy.

For one of these programmes the BBC commissioned Baghdad-born Professor Jameel ‘Jim’ Al-Khalili, theoretical physicist and Chair in the Public Engagement in Science from the University of Surrey, to research and present one programme called ‘Britain’s Nuclear Secrets: Inside Sellafield‘.

As a regular BBC broadcaster, hosting the long-running The Life Scientific on Radio 4, and maker of several science television programmes on television, including on quantum physics and the history of electricity, he was eminently qualified to make this programme.

However the programme was highly misleading thanks to major omissions, concealing the severity of accidents, and how the UK’s entire ‘civilian’ nuclear programme was subverted into producing military plutonium that fed into the Sellafield bomb factory.

Enough plutonium for over 30 nuclear bombs leaked out

For example, Al-Kalilili spent considerable time explain the key role of the £2.85bn Thermal Oxide Reprocessing plant (THORP), opened in 1994, once Sellafield’s ‘jewel in the atomic crown’. But he completely glossed over the severity of the THORP accident that disabled the plant for four years in 2004.

In May 2005, it was first reported that a serious leak of highly radioactive nuclear fuel dissolved in concentrated nitric acid – enough to half fill an Olympic-size swimming pool – had forced the facility’s closure.

The highly dangerous mixture, containing about 22 tonnes of uranium and plutonium fuel, in liquid form, with a volume of around 83m3, had leaked through a fractured pipe into a huge stainless steel chamber in the ‘feed clarification cell’.

The Nuclear Installations Inspectorate – now the Office for Nuclear Regulation – report on the accident, issued in December 2005, said that 160kg of plutonium was leaked – enough to make more than 30 nuclear weapons. The NII investigation identified that the company had been in breach of nuclear site licence conditions at the Sellafield site.

The Financial Times reported in May 2005 there was some evidence to suggest that the pipe may have started to fail in July or August 2004. Failure of the pipe (at which point significant amounts of liquor started to be released into the cell) is believed to have occurred in mid-January 2005.

However, in the period between January 2005 (and perhaps earlier) and April 19 2005, opportunities, such as cell sampling and level measurements, were missed which would have shown that material was escaping to secondary containment.

Operations staff at Sellafield then failed to act appropriately to consequent off-normal conditions, according to Sellafield Ltd’s board of inquiry report, ‘Fractured Pipe with Loss of Primary Containment in the THORP Feed Clarification Cell‘, dated 26 May 2005, but released publicly in redacted form on 29 June 2005.

The most extraordinary conclusion of the report reads: “Given the history of such events so far, it seems likely there will remain a significant chance of further plant failures in the future, even with the comprehensive implementation of the recommendations of this report.” (emphasis added)

For an unknown reason the report of this hugely significant accident is listed on the Sellafield Ltd website under the section on ‘operational excellence’.

£2 million a day lost for six years

This initially led to a near three-year closure, with a loss of £2 million a day, if BNFL’s claims of the value of operating THORP are to be believed. A further closure of THORP followed due to a separate incident.

On October 16 2006 at Carlisle Crown Court, Sellafield Ltd was fined £300,000 for the breach of licence condition 27, £100,000 for the breach of licence condition 24 and £100,000 for the breach of licence condition 34.

Regional campaign group, Cumbrians Opposed to a Radioactive Environment (CORE) published critique of THORP’s operations in March this year, noting that it has reprocessed just over 5,000 tonnes in its 20 years to 2014 due to numerous ‘events’ – yet had a design capacity of 1,000-1,200 tonnes per year.

If THORP meets its currently scheduled 2018 closure date ‘with all contracts completed’, the plant will have reprocessed a total of 9500 tonnes of spent fuel over 25 years of operation at an average annual rate of 380 tonnes per year (or 420 tonnes per year if the plant’s extended closure from 2005 is taken into account) – just one-third of design specification.

CORE explains: “THORP’s failure to reprocess the projected 7,000 tonnes – by almost 2,000 tonnes – in the first ten years resulted from a catalogue of unplanned closures over the decade, the first striking within days of the plant’s opening when a spillage of nitric acid ate its way through cables and instrumentation and forced a shut-down of several weeks.

“The official down-playing of the extent and consequences of the leak was to become a common feature of many future accidents and unplanned stoppages which, when added to the planned outages, have contributed to a major loss of operational time over the last 20 years – and resulted in the 7,000 tonne baseload contracts being completed only in December 2012, some 9 years late.

“Now in its 21st year of operation, THORP has been subjected to a series of closures – a majority unplanned – totalling some 6 years over the last 20 years.

“As a further damning indictment of THORP’s under-performance, these missed annual targets, set recently at around 400 tonnes per year, are but a pale shadow of BNFL’s original claim that THORP would reprocess 1,000 tonnes per year in the first ten years of operation (a design target not once achieved) and 800 tonnes per year thereafter – now wholly out of THORP’s reach.

Cancelled contracts

“Against this background it is unsurprising that those customers – whose continued support was being relied on by BNFL – were unprepared to give THORP any further business.

“Indeed, rather than securing a single new contract from overseas, as originally projected, contracts from German utilities were cancelled in the plant’s first year of operation – losing BNFL an estimated £250m.

“When summarised, THORP’s poor reprocessing performance together with years lost through unplanned stoppages, the failure to meet targets and the loss of contracts and customer confidence, paint a picture of a plant that bears no resemblance to the world-leading flagship image portrayed by BNFL 21 years ago. The only ‘attribute’ still to be qualified is the claim of THORP’s £500M profit in the first ten years of operation.

“Though its faltering performance and inept management has badly holed the overrated THORP flagship below the waterline, the views of an ex-BNFL Director who was heavily involved in the battle to open THORP, add a further dimension.

“In his book Inside Sellafield, the long serving Harold Bolter suggests that the figures fed into the plant’s economic case by BNFL ‘have turned out to be incorrect in several important respects’ and more tellingly that ‘if the highly complex plant fails to operate to its projected standard, it will become a huge financial drain on the nation.’

Calder Hall’s dual mission – power and bombs

Speaking from inside the plant, Professor Al-Khalili described Calder Hall as “the world’s first commercial nuclear power station.” This is untrue in two ways. Calder Hall was not a ‘commercial’ nuclear power plant, but a plutonium production plant run by the UK Atomic Energy Authority for the Ministry of Defence to provide nuclear explosive materials for nuclear warheads.

The only sense it was ‘commercial’ is that its opening – by the young Queen Elizabeth on 17th October 1956 with the words “This new power, which has proved itself to be such a terrifying weapon of destruction, is harnessed for the first time for the common good of our community” – has been used many times use as propaganda for the UK nuclear industry.

Unforgivably, the UK Atomic Energy Authority put false words into the mouth of Queen Elizabeth. The nuclear industry was born with a big lie!

In fact it was clearly stated at the time of the plant’s opening, in a remarkable little book entitled Calder Hall: The Story of Britain’s First Atomic Power Station, written by Kenneth Jay, and published by the Government’s Atomic Energy Research Establishment at Harwell to mark Calder’s commissioning in October 1956.

Jay wrote: “Major plants built for military purposes such as Calder Hall are being used as prototypes for civil plants … the plant has been designed as a dual-purpose plant to produce plutonium for military purposes as well as electric power … it would be wrong to pretend that the civil programme has not benefitted from, and is not to some extent dependent upon, the military programme.”

The first Hinkley nuclear plant’s military production role

Al’Khalili positively asserted that with Calder Hall’s opening, “Britain had become a nuclear powered nation”, as he explained how the first generation of nuclear power plants emerged after Calder Hall. What the did not explain was how these too were used as support reactors for military plutonium production.

On 17 June 1958 the Ministry of Defence issued little noticed press statement on “the production of plutonium suitable for weapons in the new [nuclear ] power stations programme as an insurance against future defence needs” in the UK’s first generation Magnox reactor.

A week later in the UK Parliament, opposition Labour MPs Roy Mason, asked why Her Majesty’s Government had “decided to modify atomic power stations, primarily planned for peaceful purposes, to produce high-grade plutonium for war weapons; to what extent this will interfere with the atomic power programme; and if he will make a statement?”

He was informed as follows by the Paymaster General, Reginald Maudling: “At the request of the Government, the Central Electricity Generating Board has agreed to a small modification in the design of Hinkley Point and of the next two stations in its programme so as to enable plutonium suitable for military purposes to be extracted should the need arise.

“The modifications will not in any way impair the efficiency of the stations. As the initial capital cost and any additional operating costs that may be incurred will be borne by the Government, the price of electricity will not be affected.

“The Government made this request in order to provide the country, at comparatively small cost, with a most valuable insurance against possible future defence requirements. The cost of providing such insurance by any other means would be extremely heavy.” [Hansard, 24 June 1958 cols. 246-8.]

This was challenged by Roy Mason, but the minister retorted: “The hon. Gentleman says that it is an imposition. The only imposition on the country would have arisen if the Government had met our defence requirements for plutonium by means far more expensive than those proposed in this suggestion.”

Military plutonium manufactured at Hinkley

The headline story in the Bridgwater Mercury, serving the community around Hinkley, on that day, 24th June 1958 was “Military plutonium to be manufactured at Hinkley”.

The article explained: “An ingenious method has been designed for changing the plant without reducing the output of electricity”. The recently formed CND was reported to be critical, describing this as a “distressing step” insisting: “The Government is obsessed with a nuclear militarism which seems insane.”

The left wing Tribune magazine of 27th June 1958 was equally critical of the deal under the headline “Sabotage in the Atom Stations”:

“For the sake of making more nuclear weapons, the Government has dealt a heavy blow at the development of atomic power stations. Unless this disastrous decision is reversed, we shall pay dearly in more ways than one for the sacrifice made on the grim altar of the H-bomb.”

Then, on 3rd July 1958, the United Kingdom and United States signed a detailed agreement on co-operation on nuclear weapons development, after several months of Congressional hearings in Washington DC, but no oversight whatsoever in the UK Parliament.

A month later Mr Maudling told backbencher Alan Green MP in Parliament that: “Three nuclear power stations are being modified, but whether they will ever be used to produce military grade plutonium will be for decision later and will depend on defence requirements. The first two stations, at Bradwell and Berkeley, are not being modified and the decision to modify three subsequent stations was taken solely as a precaution for defence purposes.” [Hansard, 1st August 1958 cols. 228-9.]

Following further detailed negotiations, the Ango-American Mutual Defense Agreement (defence is spelled with an ‘s’ even in the British version, giving a hint as to where the bilateral treaty was drafted) on Atomic Energy matters to give it its full treaty title, was amended on 7th May 1959, to permit the exchange of nuclear explosive material including plutonium and enriched uranium for military purposes.

The Times science correspondent wrote on 8 May 1959 under the headline: “Production of Weapons at Short Notice”: “The most important technical fact behind the agreement is that of civil grade – such as will be produced in British civil nuclear power stations- can now be used in weapons”.

Within a month, Mr Maudling in Parliament told Tory back bencher, Wing Commander Eric Bullus MP – who had asked the Paymaster-General “What change there has been in the intention to modify three nuclear power stations to enable plutonium suitable for military use to be extracted should the need arise?”:

“Last year Her Majesty’s Government asked the Central Electricity Generating Board to make a small modification in the design of certain power stations to enable plutonium suitable for military purposes to be extracted if need should arise.

“Having taken into account recent developments, including the latest agreement with the United States, and having re-assessed the fissile material which will become available for military purposes from all sources, it has been decided to restrict the modifications to one power station, namely, Hinkley Point.” (emphasis added) [Hansard, 22 June 1959 cols 847-9.]

The Sellafield cooling ponds – part of Britain’s bomb factory

In another extraordinary omission, Al’Khalili stood by the infamous Sellafield holding ponds stuffed full of nuclear waste, describing them as having simply been used for storing spent fuel rods and other high level wastes.

What he failed to mention was their role as a key part of the plutonium making process for thge UK’s nuclear bombs. As The Ecologist reported last October when revealing photographs showing the shocking state of the ponds:

“The two adjacent fuel storage ponds, which lie between the old Windscale nuclear piles, were part of the military plutonium production line using the Windscale spent fuel until the Windscale diasaster in 1957.

“With the Windscale piles out of commission, they were then adapted to receive nuclear waste from civilian power stations such as Calder Hall and Hinkley Point.

“The first pond in the plutonium production line is B30, which is open to the elements. From there underwater tunnels were used to convey the fuel-bearing skips to other ponds and silos within the adjacent building, where the fuel rods were ‘decanned’ from their cladding.

“The fuel was then dissolved in concentrated acids in the B203 reprocessing plant, where the plutonium for Britain’s nuclear weapons programme was chemically separated using the PUREX process. Both ponds contain a mix of fuel, sludge, and other miscellaneous nuclear wastes.”

As nuclear expert John Large – who gave evidence on the topic to the House of Commons Environment Comittee in 1986 explained, the ponds were not just forgotten about as Al’Khalili seemed to think, but were abandoned after being overloaded with leaking fuel rods:

“During the three-day week they powered up the Magnox reactors to maximum, and so much fuel was coming into Sellafield that it overwhelmed the line, and stayed in the pool too long.

“The magesium fuel rod coverings corroded due to the acidity in the ponds, and began to degrade and expose the nuclear fuel itself to the water, so they just lost control of the reprocessing line at a time when the ponds were crammed with intensely radioactive nuclear fuel.”

“This left the fuel in a very unstable condition, with actual nuclear fuel complete with uranium 238, 235 and all the fission products, in contact with water. The problem then is that you get corrosion with the formation of hydride salts which leads to swelling, outside cracks, and metal-air reactions.

The whole fuel ponds began to look like milk of magnesia, and what with the poor inventories that had been kept, no one even knew what was in there any more. Even the Euratom nuclear proliferation inspectors complained about it as there was by some estimates over a tonne of plutonium sitting there in the fuel rods and as sludge that was never properly accounted for.”

The spectre of the new nuclear renaissance

Al’Khalili then went on to give every impression that high level nuclear waste can be safely stored using the process of ‘vitrification’, that is, turning it in glass, and so binding the waste safely into a permanent, impermeable matrix.

What he failed to mention is that the glass is by no means permanent and durable storage medium for “thousands of generations” as the glass is liable to break down – and that the problem of long term disposal of these wastes remains unsolved. For example, as R C Ewing and colleagues wrote in 1995 in the journal Progress in Nuclear Energy,

“the post-disposal radiation damage to waste form glasses and crystalline ceramics is significant. The cumulative α-decay doses which are projected for nuclear waste glasses … are well within the range for which important changes in the physical and chemical properties may occur, e.g. the transition from the crystalline-to-aperiodic state in ceramics.”

Al’Khalili ended his programme waxing lyrical about the prospects of a new generation of British reactors being built, including several planned alongside the Sellafield site, in a project known as Moorside.

Recently, Martin Forwood of CORE explained that “The ‘biggest construction project in Europe’ is expanding from Nugen’s original 200 hectare site to 552 hectares of farmland reaching right up to two villages and an 11th Century church. But with compulsory purchase on the cards, there’s nothing locals can do except keep on fighting the entire deeply flawed project.”

Marianne Birkby, another indefatigable local Cumbrian campaigner agains the nuclear industry, has written to the BBC Trust – responsible for BBC broadcast standards to complain about the bias in Professor AlKhalili’s programme

Birkby heads her complaint “Biased Infomercial”, arguing: “The programme purports to be investigative journalism when it is an infomercial for the nuclear industry and the government’s new build agenda. ‘The real story’ suggests impartiality. While the programme reiterates in a misleadingly superficial way the known dangers of nuclear power there was no attempt at all by the programme makers to speak to opponents of nuclear power or even whistleblowers from within the industry.

“PR group Copper Consultancy have advised the nuclear industry / government bodies such as DECC to use ‘science champions’ to promote new nuclear development. Jim Al-Khalili is one of BBC’s foremost science champions. He rounds off the programme with enthusiastic endorsements for new nuclear build while standing within the ancient field systems that are under threat of new nuclear development.

“This is at the time when there is a consultation going on. Grass roots group Radiation Free Lakeland have been aggressively warned off sending any briefings from independent scientists about new build to Copeland Council’s Nationally Significant Infrastructure Panel as ‘it might prejudice decisions.’

“This BBC4 infomercial masquerading as investigative journalism is entirely prejudicial in its promotion of new nuclear build.”

She is right to raise her objections. As I have explained, they actually go even deeper and wider than she sets out.

The two professors – have they lost their critical faculties?

The ‘programme consultant’ was Professor Andrea Sella, a chemist and broadcaster based at University CollegeLondon where he is a Professor of Inorganic Chemistry. He sits on the Scientific Advisory Board of the Cheltenham Science Festival and on the Education Committee of the Royal Institution. He was awarded the 2014 Michael Faraday Prize from The Royal Society for “his excellent work in science communication”.

It makes me wonder what happened to the critical faculties of these two professors when they made this programme. The BBC and its editors should be ashamed at allowing such a biased programme to making it to air.

 


 

The programme:Britain’s Nuclear Secrets: Inside Sellafield‘ was broadcast on BBC4 on Monday 10th August.

Dr David Lowry is Senior research fellow, Institute for Resource and Security Studies, Cambridge, MA, USA.

Additional reporting by The Ecologist.

 






Corbyn is great – but the Greens are different!





Like many Greens, I’m a huge fan of Jeremy Corbyn. I’m hoping that he wins the Labour Leadership election – and the latest polling suggests that he will.

At the same time, I’m a Green, and without one shred of doubt I’m going to stay a Green. For Corbyn – for all his many virtues – is no Green. For he does not have an ecologistic approach.

What the Green Party should do, in the face of the ‘Corbyn surge’, is very simple. It should stay Green. It should make clear how the case of the Green Party is as strong as ever, even in the face of a Labour Leader being elected who in certain important policy areas agrees with us.

What exactly does that mean, in practice? First and foremost, it means accepting planetary boundaries, limits to growth and that even ‘green growth’ is no escape from those limits.

For Corbyn, like his mentor Tony Benn, is at heart an old-fashioned productivist, an advocate of a fantasised kinder, gentler industrial-growthism. This commitment of his undermines completely his laundry-list of ‘green’ policies.

The irresponsibility of ‘growthism’

It is utterly irresponsible at this point in history to stay in hock to the ideology of growthism – as Corbyn does. We need, bluntly, to denounce Labour’s same-old same-old commitment – a commitment it of course shares with the Tories and the LibDems – to endless economic growth.

Growthism without end makes it impossible to hit our climate mitigation targets, impossible to preserve wilderness and habitats, impossible to maintain green belts.

If Corbyn were ever to be PM, he would face an intractable tension between his commitment to some greenery (on the one hand), and his targets for industrial production and house-building and endlessly more economic activity (on the other). Guess which one of these would give way, in the face of this conflict? Only the Green Party can be trusted to safeguard our common future.

Moreover, the chimera of ‘growth’ has become the left’s way of not having to get serious about redistribution, about aiming for equality. This is the dirty secret of growthism: it’s a substitute for egalitarianism.

Corbyn et al secretly hope that, with the pie getting bigger, everyone can have more without big corporates and the rich having to tighten their belts that much. The pie can’t keep getting bigger, because the ingredients are running out. But there’s enough for everyone already: provided we share it.

For a particularly stark example of how bad Corbyn is in this connection, consider this: Corbyn wants to bring back coal-mining in South Wales! It would be hard to come up with a worse example than this of a growthist mentality, an out-of-date ‘extractivist’ fixation with mining and miners – even if he does want to use ‘clean coal’ technology to burn it.

Corbyn is probably more prone than most in Labour to enter into this fateful embrace with yesterday’s fuel, coal, a failure to come to terms with the post-growth future in which we will be on a course of  ‘energy descent’ and will power ourselves with the energy of the future: clean, green, renewable energy.

Taking land seriously

Next, being Green means taking seriously not just labour (as a Corbyn Labour Party will, in pleasant contrast to ‘New Labour’) but land. Land is the complement to labour; it is the other one of Polanyi’s ‘fictitious commodities’.

Labour’s fixation on industrialism means that it has a blind spot about the vast downsides of endlessly industrialising. Especially of industrialising the countryside. Corbyn is no different here. He and his followers don’t seem to have much ‘affinity’ with land.

Taking seriously land means, for starters, that the Green Party needs to be calling for a complete change in the way we grow our food. Out with ‘factory-farming’ – intensive industrialised production – of animals, of course; but out too with intensive industrialised production of plants.

I don’t mean talking to plants, Prince Charles style, nor plants’ rights. I’m simply talking ecology. We are as a nation and as a species destroying our soil, on which we and future generations utterly depend. We need to turn this supertanker around.

We need to kick our addiction to fossil fuels and chemical-based fertilizers; we need to invest massively in permaculture, agroforestry, organic farming and above all in agroecology. We need to end the absurd subsidies for mega-farmers who are wrecking our countryside, and instead we need to farm appropriately for our soils.

This means growing vegetables in some places, rearing animals – humanely – in others, and rewilding in still others.

Good food and food security

We cannot as a nation feed ourselves. This is a scandal and a danger, a key source of unresilience in difficult times. We need as a nation to eat (on average) lower on the food chain, but we also need to enrich our soils rather than destroying them.

This is something an intelligent eco-friendly regime of mixed farming can accomplish, while our current industrial agriculture certainly cannot. We need to achieve food sovereignty.

Hyper-mechanised agriculture is not the future: smaller-scale farming using human labour more is. We need to get more people back onto the land. Starting, obviously, with those who yearn to have land of their own but who can’t get it.

Land reform isn’t an issue only for countries like Brazil: we need land reform here. It is a disgrace that 0.6% of people in Britain own 69% of the land – incredibly, we are, in fact, an even more land-unequal country than Brazil!

We need to become a nation not so much of shopkeepers, as Napoleon famously once said, but of efficient and ecological smallholders. Labour has no interest in or appetite for land reform. Greens need to place front and central that we mean it on land reform.

We need to rebuild a sense of land as a commons. And we need to rebuild commons themselves, and recognise and institutionalise ‘new’ commons such as the net, the seas and the air. The new common-sense should be ‘commons-sense’.

An integral part of taking land seriously and taking seriously that it is a commons – and no longer fixating only on labour and capital – is Land-Value Tax (LVT) in place of other forms of property taxation. 

LVT has long been utterly marginal in the Labour Party, but is a long-standing landmark policy for the Green Party. It ends a huge source of unjust speculative wealth gain. It is pivotal in the replacement of regressive Council Tax with a more progressive and intelligent fiscal system. It helps to disincentivise building on greenfield sites. And so much more.

This trio of policies – ending soil-mining industrial agriculture, initiating a massive redistributive programme of land reform, and introducing LVT – establishes the Green Party’s claim to be serious about land, which urbanite Labour aren’t and never will be. And it pulls the rug from under Labour’s exclusive claim to be the anti-Tory Party, the Party of and for the little guy.

Corbyn’s Labour is never going to get anywhere in rural England. The Green Party can, and offers a package of policies that will enable it to become the main opposition to the Tories in rural areas, and ultimately defeat them too.

Work, work, work?

Crucially, truly being Green means ending the love affair which Labour has always had – and that Corbyn shares – with rewarding work, and so perpetuating an overworked society obsessed with the seize of its wage packets and focussed on consumption, keeping up with the Joneses.

Instead, it is our goal to create the leisure society: not in the sense of idealising idleness, but of giving us the time in which to enjoy and create fulfilment in life beyond paid employment. We should start by asserting our desire for an ever-reducing working week. Rather than taking any gains in productivity as more wages, we should incentivise and normalise working less.

It’s absurd to have some people unemployed while others are hospitalised from stress resulting from overwork. Let’s share the work out, more equally. And let’s be glad when there’s less of it.

But this is only the start. The truly radical policy measure to boost the UK in the direction of the leisure society is the unconditional Citizens Income. Again, a hallmark, central Green policy which Labour has never shown any interest in.

Sharing the wealth; sharing (and reducing our collective impact on) land; sharing (and steadily reducing the need to) work: this is the future. This is the truly radical agenda – not Corbynite Labourism.

So the Greens do have a clear argument against Corbyn’s Labour Party. And that’s important as without it, we’ll probably wither. I want the Green Party to succeed because I profoundly believe in the ecologistic philosophy it embodies. And without it, we lack an offer that’s distinctive.

The future is Green

We Greens must outflank Corbyn’s Labour – not in conventional left-right terms, but through changing the conversation, reframing the debate, and advocating a radical change in direction for our society.

That means living within limits; respecting land as the foundation of food, life, wealth and culture; recognising our commons in all their manifestations; valuing leisure time at least as much as work; and sharing our skills, talents and resources in our communities and wider society.

Because the future was never going to be red, let alone orange. If there is going to be a bright future at all, it will be green.

Through his success in Labour leadership contest, Corbyn looks like putting an end to the hopeless dream of those who wanted to turn the Green Party into a Mark III Labour Party of socialism plus caring about climate change. Because that’s what Corbyn will be in a position to deliver in the Labour Party itself.

So Greens must wake up and remember that we are so much more than that, with our own distinctive history, values, policies and purpose.

Because of this, Jeremy Corbyn’s likely election may prove the best thing that ever happened to the Green Party. It’s up to us to make it so.

 


 

Rupert Read was Parliamentary candidate for Cambridge for the Green Party in the 2015 election, and remains Green Party national Transport Spokesperson. In his day job he’s Reader in Philosophy in the School of Politics, Philosophy and Languages at the University of East Anglia, and Chair of Green House.

 

 






Honduras: Garifuna communities resist eviction and theft of land





Along the Atlantic coast of Honduras, Afro-Caribbean Garifuna communities are being forced from their land, as proposals for the creation of mega-tourism projects and corporate-run cities, commonly referred to as ‘model cities’, gain momentum internationally.

Congress is set to vote on one such plan this summer. Originally proposed by Vice President Joseph Biden in January, the plan would provide the governments of Central America $1 billion – on top of previously existing aid agreements – to bring further investment into the region.

While the stated goal is to improve security and generate opportunity to combat the so-called root causes of illegal migration, Biden’s plan is essentially a continuation of the Central American Free Trade Agreement and Plan Mesoamerica.

And Biden’s plan will only make it easier for multinational corporations to invest in more community-damaging mega-development projects throughout the region.

As critics have pointed out, the plans create negative blowback for the people of the region, including increased social conflict and environmental destruction.

“The United States government is funding our government to evict us”, said Angel Castro, a resident of the Garifuna community of Vallecito. “They are not here to support the people of African descent, let alone the people of Honduras.”

The connection to the economic model of accumulation by dispossession is not lost on Castro. He added, “This is part of capitalism and the politics of neoliberalism.”

Mega-projects are just one of the problems that Honduran Garifuna communities have had to face in the six years since a US-supported coup d’etat removed then-President Manuel Zelaya from power. Now, they have begun to organize and to defend their land through nonviolent resistance.

Defending land and culture

The Garifuna communities have called the Atlantic coast of Honduras home for centuries and have developed their own culture, language, food and music. They are the descendants of African slaves, and the indigenous Arawak populations who were deported from British St. Vincent Island in 1797.

Today, Garifuna communities span the Atlantic coast from Belize to Nicaragua, with 48 communities in Honduras, in the departments of Cortés, Alántida and Colón.

In the early 1800s, the Honduran government gave the communities the legal titles to 2,500 acres of land. Since then, they have held this land collectively, sustaining themselves with fishing and agriculture.

Now, these communities are facing eviction to make way for the construction of development projects supported by neoliberal economic policies such as the Alliance for Prosperity and the Strategy for Engagement. Additionally, the expanding interests of narco-traffickers and African oil palm plantations have forced the communities from their land.

“We are all suffering the same situation”, said Selvyn, from the community of Porto Cortez. “We are all being evicted from our lands. The state has decided to exclude the communities from the national conversation.”

Choosing non-violence

But faced with evictions to make way for mega-projects, and threatened by heavily armed narco-traffickers, the Garifuna communities have decided to dedicate themselves to nonviolent resistance in defense of their territory.

In August 2012, members of communities across the Honduran Atlantic coast reclaimed the heart of their territory from encroachment by narco-traffickers, mega-tourism projects and the expansion of palm oil. They founded the community of Vallecito in the territory that the Garifuna consider to be their ancestral land, a mile inland from the sea.

As in many indigenous cultures, the land and sea are linked to the identity of the Garifuna people and are crucial for the continuation of their society. The communities argue that the assault on their territory is also an attack on their identity and culture.

“The sea and the beach are essential for the Garifuna people”, said Guillermo, a resident of Vallecito. “It is part of my life; it is what it means to be Garifuna.”

The nonviolent resistance used to defend their land is also part of the Garifuna identity, says Yilian Maribeth David, from the grassroots Fraternal Black Organization of Honduras, or OFRANEH:

“The Garifuna Village are a peaceful people. We have never used weapons or violence in the struggle for the recovery of land, or in the demonstrations in major cities against the violations of the rights of our peoples.”

The Garifuna communities have not received classes or training in nonviolent tactics. Rather, their dedication to nonviolence comes from their religion, David explains:

“We have not been taught about peaceful struggles. Rather, the Garifuna spirituality is the keeping of the practice of peaceful struggle. This is because our religion is based on belief in ancestors who give signs in dreams and visions of when and how to perform an activity and also indicate at what point to stop. This is all led by shamans.”

But the communities’ situation is deteriorating, and their peaceful resistance is being countered with violence.

A deteriorating situation

In the years since the coup, developers have found new support from the government when they steal land from small scale farming and indigenous communities. It is in this environment that the Garifuna have organized to defend their land.

“The communities will not sell their land”, said Celso Alberto, from the community of Santa Fe. “So the government has been expropriating the land.”

The tourism industry has been expanding along the Honduran coast since the mid-1990s. But in the last three years, tourist development projects have expanded, and so too have the evictions. The Garifuna communities’ seaside locations drive the dispossession of their land for the construction of mega-tourism projects.

The projects are part of Plan Mesoamerica, which promotes the creation of a tourism corridor from Belize through Honduras along the coast. Communities argue that these projects do nothing for them and only commodify their culture.

“People only come to consume the culture, drink gifi-tea and watch us dance”, said Cesar Leonel, a young Garifuna and member of the Network of Community Radios of Mesoamerica. “They stay in these hotels in Garifuna territory, where there may only be two or three Garifunas working there.”

Resisting violence and intimidation from drug-smugglers

Additionally, the communities’ locations make them vulnerable to encroachment by palm oil producers and narco-traffickers. Therefore, defending territory has also come to mean defense against these legal and illegal industries. By recuperating the land, the Garifuna communities will be able to continue to slow down the transportation of narcotics through their territory.

Since 2012, the community of Vallecito has through their permanent presence successfully kept the local narco-traffickers from reconstructing a transit point along the coast, which was destroyed by the Honduran military. But the communities have faced intimidation and violence from the traffickers.

The Honduran government responded to these threats by deploying a small group of soldiers to ‘protect’ the Garifuna community. Three soldiers now maintain a permanent presence at the entrance of the community’s territory. But the community members of Vallecito do not see the benefit of the soldiers’ presence.

“The military is only the appearance of protection”, Guillermo said. “They change the soldiers every month, so they don’t get too close to our movement.”

Despite the successes against the narcos, the Garifuna communities still remain vulnerable to eviction to make way for tourism projects. “The state is illegally selling our lands”, Leonel said. “We are facing the systematic eviction of Garifuna communities for foreigners to buy our lands to build massive hotels.”

Combating migration

For the Garifuna communities, the defense of territory and identity is also a struggle against the forces driving them to migrate to the United States in search of opportunity. “When the communities don’t have the space to reproduce their culture, of course they migrate”, Leonel said.

The communities have also begun pursuing their own development projects to create opportunity for themselves. This has included the formation of self-sufficient spaces on the recuperated lands. There, they grow almost all the food they need and continue the tradition of fishing.

For them, land recuperation is also the defense of the right to food sovereignty and the right to subsistence as a community. “Our vision is not to commercialize our land”, Guillermo said. “Rather, we are sowing all the seeds for the food we need to eat.”

The communities, along with the OFRANEH, have worked to develop projects that provide opportunities to their own people, David added:

“In view of the massive exodus of women, youth and adolescents to the United States in the past two years, OFRANEH is working in various branches for the purpose of providing an income option to the Garifuna people.”

OFRANEH and the Garifuna youth and women’s organizations have formed projects to create opportunity. The youth have mobilized to a create a pig farm, a banana plantation and a tilapia hatchery. According to David, “These projects were formed with a vision to keep the youth busy and interested, as well as at the same time maintain the land.”

The women’s group has focused on planting foods like rice, beans, chiles and yucca.

“The planting of basic foods has declined at an alarming rate due to the proliferation of planting monocultures”, David said, referring particularly to the huge plantations of oil palm that have sprung up across the region. “So women are focusing on the issue of food sovereignty and food security.”

Legal defense of land

Along with land recuperation, the Garifuna communities have utilized national and international conventions in the defense of their territory.

The communities hold six titles to their territorial land. These titles are all held in common among the people, making it impossible to sell individual tracts.

But despite these titles, the state and the Honduran land agency have systematically sold the land of the communities to international interests. The communities have pointed out that these sales are illegal.

The communities have also invoked the rights granted to indigenous communities by Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization. Honduras became a signatory to Convention 169 in 1996. The convention states that indigenous communities must be consulted prior to any development project on their lands. It is aimed at allowing indigenous populations to participate in the decisions over the use of their territories.

At no point, though, have the Garifuna communities ever been consulted on the use of their land. The state has countered that the communities do not fall under the groups protected by the convention. But the communities have maintained their demands to be consulted.

Building bridges across territories

The Garifuna communities face a bleak situation, but they have reached out across borders for aid in their struggle to defend their territory.

The communities are working to draw international attention to their plight. Specifically, this movement of black Hondurans is working to build connections with the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States.

“The connection with Black Lives Matter was born following a meeting on migration and culture in Los Angeles in April 2015”, said David.

“We agreed and decided that if black organizations come together regardless of borders, we can achieve results. Every time there is a fight with them, we declare ourselves to be in solidarity. And every time something happens to us they will do the same for us. We are unifying our voices.”

 


 

Jeff Abbott is an independent journalist currently based out of Guatemala. He has covered human rights, social moments and issues related to education, immigration and land in the United States, Mexico and Guatemala. His work has appeared at Truthout, Upside Down World, and North American Congress on Latin America. Follow him on Twitter @palabrasdeabajo

This article was originally published by Waging NonViolence under under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

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