Monthly Archives: March 2016

Meet the Koch-affiliated fracker behind Marco Rubio’s energy policy

The influential oil and gas executive advising US presidential candidate Marco Rubio has for years used his political clout to lobby against tougher rules across shale country, arguing they are unjustified.

Last month the Florida Senator, darling of the Republican establishment, drafted Larry Nichols, the founder and former CEO of fracking firm Devon Energy, to shape his campaign’s energy policy.

Reports in the US press claim Devon spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in order to overturn a Texas town’s decision to ban fracking, and used its political connections to resist calls for emissions and wastewater regulations in Oklahoma.

With an estimated enterprise value of $32 billion, the Oklahoma-based Devon Energy is one of the largest independent oil and gas producers in the US. Nichols is credited with the company’s rise into the Fortune 500, having founded the firm with his father in the 1970s and spotted the opportunity posed by hydraulic fracturing in the 1990s.

Since then Nichols has become one of the most politically active oil execs in the country, serving as chairman for the American Petroleum Institute and directing the American Natural Gas Alliance lobby group. He’s also a member of the political donor network established by the infamous Koch brothers.

Before he joined Team Rubio, Nichols gave $50,000 to Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker for his 2012 recall vote, and oversaw a $50,000 donation from Devon to the Wisconsin branch of the anti-tax Super PAC Club for Growth – which was supporting Walker.

In this election cycle, he’s so far given $50,000 to Conservative Solutions, the PAC backing Rubio. Meanwhile, according to Open Secrets data, Devon has spent more than $16 million on lobbying since 1998 – recently it’s been spending around $2 million a year.

Oklahoma

Let’s start in Nichols’ home-state, where Devon is especially powerful. In perhaps the firm’s most egregious use of political pressure, Devon was revealed by the New York Times to have leaned on Oklahoma Attorney General Scott Pruitt to write to the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in defense of the oil and gas sector.

Pruitt told the EPA that federal regulators were massively overestimating the amount of air pollution caused by natural gas extraction in his state, but the three-page letter he sent was actually written by Devon’s lawyers and given to him by Devon’s lobbying chief.

A senior exec at Devon is reported as saying: “The timing of the letter is great, given our meeting this Friday with both EPA and the White House.” Following the NYT investigation, Nichols was defiant. In conversation with the Tulsa World newspaper, he said:

“Our industry thought their study was deeply flawed from the methodology. We had meetings with the EPA director and other people in the EPA. We attended some meetings with the White House. We had meetings with senators and congressmen and attorneys general and anyone else that would meet us.”

Fracking earthquakes

Devon hasn’t just used its influence to criticize what it regards as flawed pollution studies, but also seismic research the firm considers groundless.

Oklahoma has been hit with an unprecedented wave of earthquakes in recent years, a development that has been widely attributed to fracking operations in the state – specifically wastewater injections into deep underground wells.

Back in 2011, Arkansas and Ohio were both taking actions to curb the practice. But Oklahoma resisted. An investigation by EnergyWire showed just how powerful Devon was in its home state, where its talking points were used by the fossil fuel funded Governor Mary Fallin to reject the link between increasing fracking activity and increased seismic activity.

The Governor’s office had even turned to Devon for help in responding to a series of earthquakes near Oklahoma City. In the wake of that incident Nichols sought to dispel any connection to oil and gas extraction.

But Devon’s presence is felt well beyond even the Governor’s mansion – all the way into the labs of the Oklahoma Geological Survey (OGS). First there’s funding. Devon, who bought the OGS a new core viewing room in 2014, is one of a number of oil and gas companies spending to support the scientific organisation.

Larry Grillott, Dean of the University of Oklahoma’s Mewbourne College of Earth and Energy, said of the OGS: “We do get a lot of support from the energy industry.”

Second there’s the revolving door. Just a cursory look at the ties between the OGS and Devon turned up a geologist who went from Devon to the OGS and back to Devon over the course of a few years.

And just for the record: The OGS continued to recommend further studies into the state’s quakes and refused to issue any report on the link to oil and gas drilling until years later.

Made in Texas? Marco Rubio’s energy policy

Devon is also a major player in Texas, where it is the largest leaser in the Barnett Shale. Where it has been especially involved is Denton, the town that voted to ban fracking in 2014. Ultimately that ban was overturned by the Texas legislature, with Devon spending nearly $200,000 in a PR and lobbying blitz.

The group Devon donated to argued the ban would hurt the town’s economy. Remember Oklahoma Governor Fallin? Well she signed a similar bill which prevents local governments from banning fracking. It’s worth noting that, through all this, Denton’s congressional representative Myra Crownover has financial stake in Devon.

So now Nichols, the man behind Devon, is leading energy policy for Marco Rubio. Let’s be frank: Rubio has very little chance of becoming the Republican presidential nominee. He may win the primary in his home state of Florida on ‘winner-takes-all’ Tuesday, but that’s not in the bag. And even if he does, he’ll still be far behind Donald Trump and Ted Cruz.

But Nichols’ role in his campaign is significant. It shows that 2012 was not just a one-off. In the last presidential election, Mitt Romney was advised by Harold Hamm, the head honcho at fracking firm Continental Resources. Nichols is cut from the same cloth.

Essentially the Republican Party establishment has decided on its energy policy – and it’s fracking.

 


 

Zachary Davies Boren is an environment journalist writing for Greenpeace Energydesk, the Press Association, The Telegraph, The Independent, Huffington Post, IBTimes, Yahoo, Chicago Tribune and other media.

This article was originally published on Greenpeace Energydesk.

 

Meet the Koch-affiliated fracker behind Marco Rubio’s energy policy

The influential oil and gas executive advising US presidential candidate Marco Rubio has for years used his political clout to lobby against tougher rules across shale country, arguing they are unjustified.

Last month the Florida Senator, darling of the Republican establishment, drafted Larry Nichols, the founder and former CEO of fracking firm Devon Energy, to shape his campaign’s energy policy.

Reports in the US press claim Devon spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in order to overturn a Texas town’s decision to ban fracking, and used its political connections to resist calls for emissions and wastewater regulations in Oklahoma.

With an estimated enterprise value of $32 billion, the Oklahoma-based Devon Energy is one of the largest independent oil and gas producers in the US. Nichols is credited with the company’s rise into the Fortune 500, having founded the firm with his father in the 1970s and spotted the opportunity posed by hydraulic fracturing in the 1990s.

Since then Nichols has become one of the most politically active oil execs in the country, serving as chairman for the American Petroleum Institute and directing the American Natural Gas Alliance lobby group. He’s also a member of the political donor network established by the infamous Koch brothers.

Before he joined Team Rubio, Nichols gave $50,000 to Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker for his 2012 recall vote, and oversaw a $50,000 donation from Devon to the Wisconsin branch of the anti-tax Super PAC Club for Growth – which was supporting Walker.

In this election cycle, he’s so far given $50,000 to Conservative Solutions, the PAC backing Rubio. Meanwhile, according to Open Secrets data, Devon has spent more than $16 million on lobbying since 1998 – recently it’s been spending around $2 million a year.

Oklahoma

Let’s start in Nichols’ home-state, where Devon is especially powerful. In perhaps the firm’s most egregious use of political pressure, Devon was revealed by the New York Times to have leaned on Oklahoma Attorney General Scott Pruitt to write to the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in defense of the oil and gas sector.

Pruitt told the EPA that federal regulators were massively overestimating the amount of air pollution caused by natural gas extraction in his state, but the three-page letter he sent was actually written by Devon’s lawyers and given to him by Devon’s lobbying chief.

A senior exec at Devon is reported as saying: “The timing of the letter is great, given our meeting this Friday with both EPA and the White House.” Following the NYT investigation, Nichols was defiant. In conversation with the Tulsa World newspaper, he said:

“Our industry thought their study was deeply flawed from the methodology. We had meetings with the EPA director and other people in the EPA. We attended some meetings with the White House. We had meetings with senators and congressmen and attorneys general and anyone else that would meet us.”

Fracking earthquakes

Devon hasn’t just used its influence to criticize what it regards as flawed pollution studies, but also seismic research the firm considers groundless.

Oklahoma has been hit with an unprecedented wave of earthquakes in recent years, a development that has been widely attributed to fracking operations in the state – specifically wastewater injections into deep underground wells.

Back in 2011, Arkansas and Ohio were both taking actions to curb the practice. But Oklahoma resisted. An investigation by EnergyWire showed just how powerful Devon was in its home state, where its talking points were used by the fossil fuel funded Governor Mary Fallin to reject the link between increasing fracking activity and increased seismic activity.

The Governor’s office had even turned to Devon for help in responding to a series of earthquakes near Oklahoma City. In the wake of that incident Nichols sought to dispel any connection to oil and gas extraction.

But Devon’s presence is felt well beyond even the Governor’s mansion – all the way into the labs of the Oklahoma Geological Survey (OGS). First there’s funding. Devon, who bought the OGS a new core viewing room in 2014, is one of a number of oil and gas companies spending to support the scientific organisation.

Larry Grillott, Dean of the University of Oklahoma’s Mewbourne College of Earth and Energy, said of the OGS: “We do get a lot of support from the energy industry.”

Second there’s the revolving door. Just a cursory look at the ties between the OGS and Devon turned up a geologist who went from Devon to the OGS and back to Devon over the course of a few years.

And just for the record: The OGS continued to recommend further studies into the state’s quakes and refused to issue any report on the link to oil and gas drilling until years later.

Made in Texas? Marco Rubio’s energy policy

Devon is also a major player in Texas, where it is the largest leaser in the Barnett Shale. Where it has been especially involved is Denton, the town that voted to ban fracking in 2014. Ultimately that ban was overturned by the Texas legislature, with Devon spending nearly $200,000 in a PR and lobbying blitz.

The group Devon donated to argued the ban would hurt the town’s economy. Remember Oklahoma Governor Fallin? Well she signed a similar bill which prevents local governments from banning fracking. It’s worth noting that, through all this, Denton’s congressional representative Myra Crownover has financial stake in Devon.

So now Nichols, the man behind Devon, is leading energy policy for Marco Rubio. Let’s be frank: Rubio has very little chance of becoming the Republican presidential nominee. He may win the primary in his home state of Florida on ‘winner-takes-all’ Tuesday, but that’s not in the bag. And even if he does, he’ll still be far behind Donald Trump and Ted Cruz.

But Nichols’ role in his campaign is significant. It shows that 2012 was not just a one-off. In the last presidential election, Mitt Romney was advised by Harold Hamm, the head honcho at fracking firm Continental Resources. Nichols is cut from the same cloth.

Essentially the Republican Party establishment has decided on its energy policy – and it’s fracking.

 


 

Zachary Davies Boren is an environment journalist writing for Greenpeace Energydesk, the Press Association, The Telegraph, The Independent, Huffington Post, IBTimes, Yahoo, Chicago Tribune and other media.

This article was originally published on Greenpeace Energydesk.

 

Universities’ love affair with fossil fuel companies must end

This is what we know. If we are to avoid dangerous climate change, then we need to keep the majority of fossil fuel reserves in the ground.

So continually exploring for new oil and gas fields and developing more coal mines makes no sense.

It doesn’t make any financial sense either. Pouring billions of dollars into developing new reserves is effectively setting fire to profits in a bonfire of denial. These hydrocarbons cannot be exploited, and so represent costly stranded assets.

More importantly, it makes no moral sense. By continuing to prospect for gas and oil in the deep waters of the Gulf of Mexico, or developing new coal mines in Australia, fossil fuel companies continue to feed our civilisation’s addiction to hydrocarbons.

An addiction that could impoverish, if not kill, a significant proportion of humanity over the following decades and centuries. These are not just fossil fuel companies, they also are climate-changing companies which profit from driving our civilisation closer to catastrophe.

This is why an increasing number of organisations are making the decision to divest from fossil fuel companies. Divestment is achieved by selling shares, stocks and bonds in a company. The intention behind the divestment movement is to highlight the immorality of continued fossil fuel exploration. It doesn’t seek to destroy these companies, but is one way to pressure them to change their bad behaviour.

These are the main arguments for fossil fuel divestment. There are others, and of course there are also opposing views. Here, I want to consider this issue within the context of divestment by universities. It’s a subject which is close to my heart, given that I work in a university and much of my teaching and research features climate change.

The mission statements of most universities evoke noble ambitions of changing the world for the better. When it comes to the necessary transition away from fossil fuels, they certainly could make a difference. Unfortunately, they are too often part of the problem instead.

It’s the funding, stupid

Last October, Greenpeace UK was able to establish, via Freedom of Information Requests, that UK universities had received £134 million in funding directly from the major fossil fuel companies. I know this to be an underestimation of fossil fuel funding of university research, staff and facilities.

This money is an important reason why some universities have not embraced the fossil fuel divestment movement. Senior management reason that if they were to divest investments from fossil fuel companies, they would then be urged to also return funding from fossil fuel companies.

In this respect, some of the critics of divestment are entirely correct here. To divest while taking money from fossil fuel companies could be seen as hypocritical, and so pressure would soon be applied to reject future funding. First they came for the endowment funds, but that didn’t affect my horizontal drilling research program, and I said nothing …

So the first line of defence against seeing a possible reduction in funding, is to reject any calls for divestment. Many UK universities are desperate for cash and fossil fuel companies have plenty of it.

This Faustian pact can be justified in all manner of ways. One way to do that is by playing the ‘engagement card’, and we can look to US institutions to see this most effectively in action.

An expensive engagement

Campaigns for divestment from fossil fuel companies emerged within US university campuses, but thus far has had limited success within the sector. The world’s wealthiest university, Harvard, issued a firm ‘no’ in response to a divestment campaign, and last year MIT rejected similar calls that it’s $12 billion endowment be divested from fossil fuel companies.

MIT is an instructive case, because it decided to actually work closer with the fossil fuel companies, through engagement in a five year climate change research program.

It argued that engagement with BP, Eni, ExxonMobil, Saudi Aramco, and Shell was necessary, to innovate and develop the new technologies and behaviours which could motivate further transitions to a sustainable economy. It will do this via a series of projects that will be funded to the tune of $300million.

This will be coordinated by the Environmental Solutions Initiative (ESI) and the MIT Energy Initiative (MITEI). The MITEI is one MIT’s major research centres having attracted some $600 million of funding, the top sponsors being – can you guess? – BP, Eni, ExxonMobil, Saudi Aramco and Shell.

$300 million must buy a lot of belief in the power of engagement with corporations that are trying to develop new oil fields in the Arctic, or helping to detonate the carbon bomb held in the Canadian oil sands. This belief must also be maintained in the presence of evidence that such engagement has failed. Why wouldn’t it? These are pure play fossil fuel companies. Extracting fossil fuels is what they do.

A necessary divorce

Even to an Ivy League institution, $300 million is a lot of money. In the UK, the prospects of such funding would leave many Vice Chancellors near catatonic.

But to these global fossil fuel companies it’s loose change. In 2015, the total revenue of Saudi Aramco alone was very likely over 1,000 times this amount. What this funding buys fossil fuel companies is social acceptance, and the normalisation of the their core business activities.

Sponsoring open days, providing cash for exhibitions, facilities, centres, training programs and creating new staff positions are very effective and very cheap PR activities. Their partnerships with universities also maintains a supply of advanced research, and a steady flow of highly trained and capable new employees.

Here again, universities have an incentive to work with the fossil fuel companies, because research activities are assessed in terms of their economic impact which is easier to demonstrate when working directly with industry. And of course, graduate employment affects the ever important league table position.

This has to stop. And it has to stop soon because in a matter of years, greenhouse gas emissions will have to stop increasing, and then begin to decline and continue to get smaller each year until they hit zero with probably negative emissions thereafter.

There is a clear line here – you can see it in IPCC reports that show the various emissions scenarios – and universities need to be on the right side of it. Some have suggested this could be our ‘Apollo moment‘ in which we massively invest our time, effort and resources at solving climate change.

New technologies, exciting apps, and shiny devices will all play a role. But it will all count for nothing if more reserves of coal, oil and gas are developed. Unfortunately, this is the side of the line that fossil fuel companies currently operate on.

To create a sustainable future, first we must ditch our dirty past

Fossil fuels have powered our civilisation since the industrial revolution. Without them we would be poorer and lead diminished lives. They have helped write much of our recent history. But that doesn’t mean they have to be our future.

Indeed, if we cannot end our love affair with them and construct a new set of sustainable economic and industrial practices, then we will not have one.

Fossil fuel companies could play a significant role in the transition to sustainable energy generation. But this will require a transformation which thus far they have not demonstrated they will undertake of their own volition. Universities can have an impact here by withdrawing their support and sending a strong signal to them that they must change.

Unfortunately, many Vice Chancellors appear to regard this as too costly a divorce. Better to hold out and hope their partner can change while continuing to bank the cheques. Money that would certainly come in handy when the storms hit.

 


 

James Dyke is Lecturer in Complex Systems Simulation at University of Southampton.The Conversation

 

Universities’ love affair with fossil fuel companies must end

This is what we know. If we are to avoid dangerous climate change, then we need to keep the majority of fossil fuel reserves in the ground.

So continually exploring for new oil and gas fields and developing more coal mines makes no sense.

It doesn’t make any financial sense either. Pouring billions of dollars into developing new reserves is effectively setting fire to profits in a bonfire of denial. These hydrocarbons cannot be exploited, and so represent costly stranded assets.

More importantly, it makes no moral sense. By continuing to prospect for gas and oil in the deep waters of the Gulf of Mexico, or developing new coal mines in Australia, fossil fuel companies continue to feed our civilisation’s addiction to hydrocarbons.

An addiction that could impoverish, if not kill, a significant proportion of humanity over the following decades and centuries. These are not just fossil fuel companies, they also are climate-changing companies which profit from driving our civilisation closer to catastrophe.

This is why an increasing number of organisations are making the decision to divest from fossil fuel companies. Divestment is achieved by selling shares, stocks and bonds in a company. The intention behind the divestment movement is to highlight the immorality of continued fossil fuel exploration. It doesn’t seek to destroy these companies, but is one way to pressure them to change their bad behaviour.

These are the main arguments for fossil fuel divestment. There are others, and of course there are also opposing views. Here, I want to consider this issue within the context of divestment by universities. It’s a subject which is close to my heart, given that I work in a university and much of my teaching and research features climate change.

The mission statements of most universities evoke noble ambitions of changing the world for the better. When it comes to the necessary transition away from fossil fuels, they certainly could make a difference. Unfortunately, they are too often part of the problem instead.

It’s the funding, stupid

Last October, Greenpeace UK was able to establish, via Freedom of Information Requests, that UK universities had received £134 million in funding directly from the major fossil fuel companies. I know this to be an underestimation of fossil fuel funding of university research, staff and facilities.

This money is an important reason why some universities have not embraced the fossil fuel divestment movement. Senior management reason that if they were to divest investments from fossil fuel companies, they would then be urged to also return funding from fossil fuel companies.

In this respect, some of the critics of divestment are entirely correct here. To divest while taking money from fossil fuel companies could be seen as hypocritical, and so pressure would soon be applied to reject future funding. First they came for the endowment funds, but that didn’t affect my horizontal drilling research program, and I said nothing …

So the first line of defence against seeing a possible reduction in funding, is to reject any calls for divestment. Many UK universities are desperate for cash and fossil fuel companies have plenty of it.

This Faustian pact can be justified in all manner of ways. One way to do that is by playing the ‘engagement card’, and we can look to US institutions to see this most effectively in action.

An expensive engagement

Campaigns for divestment from fossil fuel companies emerged within US university campuses, but thus far has had limited success within the sector. The world’s wealthiest university, Harvard, issued a firm ‘no’ in response to a divestment campaign, and last year MIT rejected similar calls that it’s $12 billion endowment be divested from fossil fuel companies.

MIT is an instructive case, because it decided to actually work closer with the fossil fuel companies, through engagement in a five year climate change research program.

It argued that engagement with BP, Eni, ExxonMobil, Saudi Aramco, and Shell was necessary, to innovate and develop the new technologies and behaviours which could motivate further transitions to a sustainable economy. It will do this via a series of projects that will be funded to the tune of $300million.

This will be coordinated by the Environmental Solutions Initiative (ESI) and the MIT Energy Initiative (MITEI). The MITEI is one MIT’s major research centres having attracted some $600 million of funding, the top sponsors being – can you guess? – BP, Eni, ExxonMobil, Saudi Aramco and Shell.

$300 million must buy a lot of belief in the power of engagement with corporations that are trying to develop new oil fields in the Arctic, or helping to detonate the carbon bomb held in the Canadian oil sands. This belief must also be maintained in the presence of evidence that such engagement has failed. Why wouldn’t it? These are pure play fossil fuel companies. Extracting fossil fuels is what they do.

A necessary divorce

Even to an Ivy League institution, $300 million is a lot of money. In the UK, the prospects of such funding would leave many Vice Chancellors near catatonic.

But to these global fossil fuel companies it’s loose change. In 2015, the total revenue of Saudi Aramco alone was very likely over 1,000 times this amount. What this funding buys fossil fuel companies is social acceptance, and the normalisation of the their core business activities.

Sponsoring open days, providing cash for exhibitions, facilities, centres, training programs and creating new staff positions are very effective and very cheap PR activities. Their partnerships with universities also maintains a supply of advanced research, and a steady flow of highly trained and capable new employees.

Here again, universities have an incentive to work with the fossil fuel companies, because research activities are assessed in terms of their economic impact which is easier to demonstrate when working directly with industry. And of course, graduate employment affects the ever important league table position.

This has to stop. And it has to stop soon because in a matter of years, greenhouse gas emissions will have to stop increasing, and then begin to decline and continue to get smaller each year until they hit zero with probably negative emissions thereafter.

There is a clear line here – you can see it in IPCC reports that show the various emissions scenarios – and universities need to be on the right side of it. Some have suggested this could be our ‘Apollo moment‘ in which we massively invest our time, effort and resources at solving climate change.

New technologies, exciting apps, and shiny devices will all play a role. But it will all count for nothing if more reserves of coal, oil and gas are developed. Unfortunately, this is the side of the line that fossil fuel companies currently operate on.

To create a sustainable future, first we must ditch our dirty past

Fossil fuels have powered our civilisation since the industrial revolution. Without them we would be poorer and lead diminished lives. They have helped write much of our recent history. But that doesn’t mean they have to be our future.

Indeed, if we cannot end our love affair with them and construct a new set of sustainable economic and industrial practices, then we will not have one.

Fossil fuel companies could play a significant role in the transition to sustainable energy generation. But this will require a transformation which thus far they have not demonstrated they will undertake of their own volition. Universities can have an impact here by withdrawing their support and sending a strong signal to them that they must change.

Unfortunately, many Vice Chancellors appear to regard this as too costly a divorce. Better to hold out and hope their partner can change while continuing to bank the cheques. Money that would certainly come in handy when the storms hit.

 


 

James Dyke is Lecturer in Complex Systems Simulation at University of Southampton.The Conversation

 

Feeding the bank balance: GMOs, development and the politics of happiness

Modern state-corporate capitalism is stripping the environment bare through unsustainable levels of consumption.

It is legitimised by a deceitful ideology that attempts to justify and sell a system which by its very nature is designed to benefit a minority at the expense of the majority.

This model thrives on the exploitation of peoples and the environment by powerful transnational corporations. Look no further to see how intellectual property rights and agricultural subsidies and the WTO serves the interests of these corporations, for instance, or the roles that ‘free trade’ agreements, ‘structural adjustment‘ and the undermining of non-compliant governments play.

Moreover, economic neoliberalism strides the world hand in glove with militarism. The outcome is a programme of endless destabilisations, conflicts and wars over finite resources to enrich elite interests.

In the area of food and agriculture, there has been a programmed eradication of indigenous, productive farming across the planet. This dovetails with an urban-centric model of ‘development’ underpinned by ‘free trade’ and the appropriation of wealth by a select number of individuals and powerful private corporations, on the one hand, and increasing hardship, austerity and poverty for the rest of the population on the other.

These corporations, with the full backing of the state (we are not talking about some notional form of ‘free market’ capitalism), seek to mould the very essence of existence, from cradle to grave and from patented genetically modified seed to plate.

All this is sold to the masses as the part of the ongoing quest to achieve human well-being, measured in terms of endless GDP growth. It’s based on an ideology that conveniently associates such growth with corporate profit, boosted by stock buy-backs, financial speculation and bubbles, massive arms deals, colonialism masquerading as philanthropy, manipulated and rigged markets, corrupt and secretive trade deals, outsourced jobs, job automation and a resource-grabbing militarism.

That such a parasitical system could ever bring about a ‘happy’ human condition for the majority is unfathomable. Yet state-corporate capitalism’s great con-trick is to fool people that it can.

Happiness and well-being

It is interesting to note that 10 years ago, the first ever ‘Happy Planet Index’ (HPI) measured happiness across 178 countries. The small south Pacific island of Vanuatu was the happiest nation. Germany ranked 81st, Japan 95th and the US 150th. The index was based on consumption levels, life expectancy and reported happiness.

Although Vanuatu was top, it only ranked 207th out of 233 economies when measured against Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita. In 2009, Costa Rica topped the list of the World Happy Planet Index.

This is not to imply that material wealth does not impact well-being or feelings of happiness. Many other surveys indicate it does. However, less wealthy countries often do well in these types of surveys because in these societies (and certain surveys) cultural priority is placed on family and friends, on social capital rather than financial capital and on social equity rather than corporate power.

This might explain why nations such as the US and UK, which are highly unequal and are the drivers of neoliberalism, don’t always fare too well in such surveys when compared to other rich nations.

According to the UN World Happiness Reports of both 2013 and 2014, Denmark was the planet’s happiest country. Denmark is not just wealthy, but its people feel safe because emphasis is placed on social equality and robust welfare policies. Indeed, Scandinavian countries usually come out near the top of quality of life and well-being surveys.

Over the last 60 years, material living standards in the West have improved, but how wealth is distributed is what really matters. For example, take the case of the UK.

Much of manufacturing has been outsourced to cheap labour economies; welfare, unions and livelihoods have been attacked; massive levels of tax evasion / avoidance persist; neoliberal policies have resulted in privatisation, deregulation and national and personal debt spiralling; the cost of living has increased as public assets have been sold off to profiteering cartels; taxpayers’ money has been turned into corporate welfare for the banks; and the richest 1,000 families in the UK have seen their net worth more than double since 2009, in the worst recession since the Great Depression, to £547bn, while ‘austerity’ is imposed on everyone else.

Wealthy Western elites use up vast quantities of the world’s scarce resources and become richer, but many citizens who live in Western nations live in misery. And this is not even accounting for the tens of millions elsewhere who in places like Libya, Syria or Iraq whose countries were thrown into conflict and chaos by the designs of a US-Anglo elite for the sake of pipelines, resources or geopolitical motives.

Self-interest or public good?

It is clear whose happiness and well-being matters most and whose does not matter at all. Consider the following extract from an article by Andrew Gavin Marshall:

“At the top of the list of those who run the world, we have the major international banking houses, which control the global central banking system. From there, these dynastic banking families created an international network of think tanks, which socialised the ruling elites of each nation and the international community as a whole, into a cohesive transnational elite class. The foundations they established helped shape civil society both nationally and internationally, playing a major part in the funding – and thus coordinating and co-opting – of major social-political movements.”

While mouthing clichés about ‘democracy’, ‘growth’ and individual ‘freedom’, just who actually controls the world (and for what purpose) is not an issue the mainstream media and mainstream politicians like to raise. In 2008, David Rothkopf published his book ‘Superclass: The Global Power Elite and the World They Are Making‘:

“The superclass constitutes approximately 0.0001 percent of the world’s population. They are the Davos-attending, Gulfstream/private jet-flying, money-incrusted, megacorporation-interlocked, policy-building elites of the world, people at the absolute peak of the global power pyramid … They are from the highest levels of finance capital, transnational corporations, the government, the military, the academy, nongovernmental organizations, spiritual leaders and other shadow elites.” Project Censored (‘Exposing the transnational ruling class’)

These are the people setting the agendas at the Trilateral Commission, Bilderberg Group, G-7, G-20, NATO, the World Bank and the World Trade Organization. They decide which wars are to be fought and why and formulate global economic policy.

Poverty and degradation for the people; good for the country?

In India, in a headlong rush to urbanise (under the advice of the World Bank), its cities are increasingly defined by their traffic-jammed flyovers cutting through fume choked neighbourhoods that are denied access to clean drinking water and a decent infrastructure. Privatisation and crony capitalism are the order of the day.

For all the talk of India’s high GDP growth in recent years, India has slipped down the World Happiness Index from 111th in 2014 to 117th in 2015. Again, the Nordic countries were at the top but with Switzerland having displaced Denmark for first place. The index takes into account not just economic measures, but also social and cultural capital, including positive social relations, characterized by values such as trust, benevolence and shared social identities that contribute positively to economic outcomes as well as delivering happiness directly.

Away from the cities, the influence of transnational agribusiness and state-corporate grabs for land are leading to violent upheaval, conflict and ecological destruction, all to fuel a model of development which effectively such the lifeblood from rural communities and drive an unsustainable ‘nine-day wonder’ (how Gandhi described it) model of ‘development’.

The links between the Monsanto-Syngenta-Walmart-backed Knowledge Initiative on Agriculture and the associated US sanctioning and backing of the opening up of India’s nuclear sector to foreign interests have shown what the models of ‘development’ being pushed onto people really entails, not least in terms of the powerful corporate interests that really benefit and the ordinary people that lose out [see this and this].

But we are told that this is ‘development’ and ‘good’ for ‘the country’. It depends on just ‘who’ the country is meant to be and therefore whom all this turmoil (development) happens to be good for. Aside from transnational corporations, we know who it is good for: the combined wealth of India’s richest 296 individuals is $478 billion, some 22% of India’s GDP. This is larger than the GDPs of the UAE, which stood at $402 billion, South Africa ($350 billion) and Singapore ($308 billion).

The model of neoliberal state-capitalist development being imposed on the world (under the benign title ‘globalisation’) serves the vested interests of an increasingly globalised and integrated elite.

Could GMOs help?

There is much rhetoric about a brave new world of crops engineered to eradicate disease, boost yields, fight pests and adapt to climatic conditions (etc), but the reality is hundreds of thousands of farmers in India have killed themselves as a result of economic distress.

Many of these suicides are directly linked to GM, while many are also associated with wider issues, such as the growing of cash crops for export and the exposure to international markets and trade rules which serve the interests of global agribusiness.

The reality of GM is also ‘ecocide’ and ‘genocide’ in South America. The reality is a flawed technology that might appear to work in some respects within the controls and confines of a laboratory but which is pushed by an industry and powerful think tanks that drive a global GMO agenda (both commercial and geopolitical) by infiltrating research institutes, trade deals and public bodies, corrupting practices and manipulating data and by employing rhetoric about ‘feeding the world’, which disregards the actual evidence pertaining to the root causes of poverty and hunger.

This technology is integral to a model of food and agriculture controlled from laboratory to plate by a group of major transnational seed, pesticide, food processing and food commodity trading companies and giant retailers. This group is tied to and fuels a system of export-oriented, urban-focussed agriculture, underpinned by trade rules, deals and agreements that major members of this cartel help draw up.

And science is pressed into serving this agenda. Many molecular biologists make an excellent living on the back of lavish career-building funding by touting the supposed virtues of GM. And they too often like to promote the technology on the basis of uniformed personal opinion. Like the companies themselves, these figures also have a vested interest in expanding the use of this technology.

We constantly hear about how GM and the company and scientists behind it are serving the public good, as if science and GM exist in a political and economic vacuum. But any talk about funding, power relations and the ownership and control of this technology is to be dismissed with shouts of ‘conspiracy theory’ or some tirade of smear-ridden abuse.

Could GM (or even synthetic biology for that matter) ever be a viable addition to the food and agriculture? Possibly, if it were ever to be shown that it had no adverse environmental, ecological and health impacts and could perform better than non-GM; and only if it were not to be used as a strategy to sideline the need to tackle poverty, hunger, inequality and the undermining of food security by eradicating a globalised system of food and agriculture controlled by large corporations that fuel and benefits from that system.

GMO and the bottom line

Unfortunately, GM is being used to reinforce the status quo. As it currently stands, it is a political and ideological device: a bogus techno quick-fix being promoted by vested interests that neatly diverts attention from the need to address the structural factors that drive inequality, poverty and food insecurity and which those interests profit from and helped to create.

And the aim is not just to reinforce the status quo but to extend it further: to bring nations under the control of a few corporations by getting countries to rely on their patented seeds and chemical inputs: for instance, read this on Monsanto in Ukraine, this about US aid and El Salvador and this about Zimbabwe.

Insert a gene into an already high-yielding conventionally bred seed and patent it and get a country to plant it and rely on it, and you insert a (financially lucrative) mechanism of political leverage over that country. Because what is the purpose other than that, given GM currently provides no discernible, sustainable benefits when compared to non-GM options?

The GM project and the model of ‘development’ it is tied to a mindset that regards other (non-westernised) social systems as deficient because they do not comply with Western notions of what life is and how it is to be lived – or, more specifically in this case, what food is and how it should be grown.

Highly productive smallholder farming, organic agriculture, agroecology and a locally grown nutritious, diverse range of food crops are to be cast aside in favour of a ‘superior’ system based on petrochemical-intensive industrial farms and agribusiness supplied and processed junk food. Throughout the world, ‘corporate America / Europe’ is conveniently on hand to destroy the former and impose the latter all under the banner of ‘progress’ with devastating effects.

As with much of this ‘development’ strategy, GM is not being done for the public good, despite what its supporters say. The development of agribusiness is not the same as developing agriculture, despite what Bill Gates or the industry might like to think.

Consider that Monsanto CEO Hugh Grant brought in just under $12m in 2015, and Vice-President Rob Fraley brought in just under $3.4m. That’s some income for two individuals who are not even the main shareholders. In January 2015, Monsanto reported a profit of $243m (down from $368m the previous year).

Consider too the following quote from this piece on the Bloomberg website in 2014: “Chairman and Chief Executive Officer Hugh Grant is focused on selling more genetically modified seeds in Latin America to drive earnings growth outside the core U.S. market. Sales of soybean seeds and genetic licenses climbed 16 percent, and revenue in the unit that makes glyphosate weed killer, sold as Roundup, rose 24 percent.”

In the same piece, Chris Shaw, a New York-based analyst at Monness Crespi Hardt & Co, wrote that “Glyphosate really crushed it” – meaning the sales of glyphosate were a major boost. The bottom line is sales and profit maximisation – and the unflinching defence of glyphosate, no matter how carcinogenic to humans it is and, more to the point, how much Monsanto knows itis and has known it for years.

Noam Chomsky underlines the commercial imperative: ” … the CEO of a corporation has actually a legal obligation to maximize profit and market share. Beyond that legal obligation, if the CEO doesn’t do it, and, let’s say, decides to do something that will, say, benefit the population and not increase profit, he or she is not going to be CEO much longer – they’ll be replaced by somebody who does do it.”

Control food, control the world

Technology in itself is neither good nor bad. What determines its impact depends on how it is used, who controls that use and the economic system within which it operates.

“American foreign policy has almost always been based on agricultural exports, not on industrial exports as people might think. It’s by agriculture and control of the food supply that American diplomacy has been able to control most of the Third World. The World Bank’s geopolitical lending strategy has been to turn countries into food deficit areas by convincing them to grow cash crops – plantation export crops – not to feed themselves with their own food crops.” Professor Michael Hudson

Despite the promise of the green revolution, hundreds of millions still go to bed hungry, food has become denutrified, functioning rural economies have been destroyed, diseases have spiked in correlation with the increase in use of pesticides and GMOs, soil has been eroded or degraded, diets are less diverse, global food security has been undermined and access to food is determined by manipulated international markets and speculation – not supply and demand.

Food and agriculture has become wedded to power structures that have restructured indigenous agriculture across the world and tied it to an international system of trade based on export-oriented mono-cropping, commodity production for a manipulated and volatile international market and indebtedness to international financial institutions.

In itself, technology is neutral. But to understand how technology is used in the real world we must appreciate who owns and controls technology, whose interests it ultimately serves and how it is forced onto the market and functions in an economic system driven by profit and geopolitics and the compulsion to capture and control markets – while all the time hiding behind an ideology of ‘free choice’ and ‘democracy’.

 


 

Colin Todhunter is an extensively published independent writer and former social policy researcher, based in the UK and India.

Support Colin’s work here.

This article is was originally published on Colin’s website.

 

BP doubles EU lobby spend, drops Tate sponsorship

Energy giant BP is the UK’s single biggest corporate lobbyist in Europe, new analysis by Lobby Facts reveals.

BP spent between £2.23 million and £2.3 million (€ 2.75m – € 2.99m) in lobbying European policy makers on energy and climate issues in 2014, the most recent figures available.

This represents a substantial increase, almost doubling BP’s declared lobby spend for the previous year, when it spent up to £1.16m (€ 1.5m).

The analysis by Lobby Facts – a joint initiative by transparency watchdogs Corporate Europe Observatory and LobbyControl – is based on a ‘cleaning up’ of the EU’s voluntary Transparency Register for inaccurate or misleading lobby-spend entries.

According to estimates by Transparency International, about half of the data on the EU’s register is flawed.

The data also shows that in the past year leading up to the Paris COP21 climate conference, BP held 24 meetings with senior European Commission members, including nine with Miguel Arias Cañete, climate and energy commissioner, or members of his team.

This is significantly more than any of the other 15 top UK-based corporations lobbying Brussels according to Lobby Facts’ data.

Bending the ears of power

Most of these meetings were concerning the southern gas corridor – an initiative by the European Commission to supply gas from the Caspian and Middle Eastern regions to Europe in which BP has a stake – and the energy union, which aims to create a fully-integrated internal European energy market.

Other noteworthy meetings include a discussion on ‘EU Environmental Policy’ on 22 July 2015 with Joachim Balke, a cabinet member in Cañete’s team, and a 6 June 2015 meeting with Director-General for Climate Action Jos Delbeke on the ‘role of private business and carbon pricing in climate action.’

These meetings were around the same time that BP, along with other energy giants, published a letter in the Financial Times in June calling for “widespread and effective” carbon pricing to be part of the Paris deal.

Then, last October BP joined nine other energy companies in issuing a statement saying they would “play their part” in battling climate change, including helping limit warming to 2C. However, this pledge did not bring forward the call for a carbon price as included in the June letter.

The data also shows that less than two months prior to the December 2015 climate conference BP lobbyists met with Michael Karnitschnig, chief of staff to EU Commissioner for neighbourhood policy and enlargement negotiations Johannes Hahn, on 22 October to discuss ‘international energy issues’ and then met Balke on 9th November to talk about ‘energy infrastructure’.

Tate sponsorship only provided 0.5% of budget

It was also announced late last week that BP’s 26-year old sponsorship of art museum Tate is to end in 2017. BP cited the “extremely challenging business environment” as its reason for withdrawing funding.

The company denied that the decision was connected with the years of years of protest by Platform, arts collective Liberate Tate, the Art Not Oil coalition and creative campaign group ‘BP or not BP’ against the company’s efforts to gain ‘social licence’ through arts sponsorship: “They are free to express their points of view but our decision wasn’t influenced by that. It was a business decision.”

Tate praised BP saying it long-term support had been an “outstanding example of patronage”. But Platform’s Anna Galkina said: “BP can no longer use Tate’s art collections to mask or excuse the devastation its operations have caused to people’s lives in Colombia, Azerbaijan, Alberta. And the gallery – whether it admits this or not – has taken the best form of climate action it could.

“We only hope that the British Museum, Science Museum, National Portrait Gallery, and Royal Opera House will follow in Tate’s lead. We look forward to Tate joining the Fossil Funds Free commitment!”

Last year the campaigners forced Tate to reveal in an Information Tribunal that BP’s fees accounted for only 0.5% of Tate’s budget (an average of £224,000 a year). This May, Tate is to appear at the Information Tribunal – once again over refusal to disclose further sponsorship details.

In a surprise action this weekend, BP or not BP targetted the Science Museum in London with giant images of environmental damage caused by BP projected onto the museum’s walls.

“BP’s sponsorship of the Science Museum isn’t philanthropy. It is a cheap way for BP to gain the social legitimacy it needs in order to press ahead with new high-risk projects like the four ultra deep-water wells it now has planned for the Great Australian Bight”, said the group’s Chris Garrard.

BP currently sponsors the Science Museum’s Cosmonauts exhibition and collaborates with the museum on the Ultimate Stem Challenge, a competition for schoolchildren. It also continues to sponsor the British Museum, the National Portrait Gallery and the Royal Opera House.

All three institutions are currently in discussions as to whether to renew their deals with BP.

 


 

Kyla Mandel is Deputy Editor of DeSmog UK. She tweets @kylamandel.

This article is based on one originally published by DeSmog.uk with additional reporting by The Ecologist.

 

Why Qaddafi had to go: African gold, oil and the challenge to monetary imperialism

The brief visit of then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to Libya in October 2011 was referred to by the media as a “victory lap.”

“We came, we saw, he died!” she crowed in a CBS video interview on hearing of the capture and brutal murder of Libyan leader Muammar el-Qaddafi.

But the victory lap, write Scott Shane and Jo Becker in the New York Times, was premature. Libya was relegated to the back burner by the State Department, “as the country dissolved into chaos, leading to a civil war that would destabilize the region, fueling the refugee crisis in Europe and allowing the Islamic State to establish a Libyan haven that the United States is now desperately trying to contain.”

US-NATO intervention was allegedly undertaken on humanitarian grounds, after reports of mass atrocities; but human rights organizations questioned the claims after finding a lack of evidence. Today, however, verifiable atrocities are occurring.

As Dan Kovalik wrote in the Huffington Post, “the human rights situation in Libya is a disaster, as ‘thousands of detainees [including children] languish in prisons without proper judicial review,’ and ‘kidnappings and targeted killings are rampant’.”

Before 2011, Libya had achieved economic independence, with its own water, its own food, its own oil, its own money, and its own state-owned bank. It had arisen under Qaddafi from one of the poorest of countries to the richest in Africa.

Education and medical treatment were free; having a home was considered a human right; and Libyans participated in an original system of local democracy. The country boasted the world’s largest irrigation system, the Great Man-made River project, which brought water from the desert to the cities and coastal areas; and Qaddafi was embarking on a program to spread this model throughout Africa.

But that was before US-NATO forces bombed the irrigation system and wreaked havoc on the country. Today the situation is so dire that President Obama has asked his advisors to draw up options including a new military front in Libya, and the Defense Department is reportedly standing ready with “the full spectrum of military operations required.”

The Secretary of State’s victory lap was indeed premature, if what we’re talking about is the officially stated goal of humanitarian intervention. But her newly-released emails reveal another agenda behind the Libyan war; and this one, it seems, was achieved.

Mission accomplished?

Of the 3,000 emails released from Hillary Clinton’s private email server in late December 2015, about a third were from her close confidante Sidney Blumenthal, the attorney who defended her husband in the Monica Lewinsky case. One of these emails, dated April 2, 2011, reads in part:

“Qaddafi’s government holds 143 tons of gold, and a similar amount in silver … This gold was accumulated prior to the current rebellion and was intended to be used to establish a pan-African currency based on the Libyan golden Dinar. This plan was designed to provide the Francophone African Countries with an alternative to the French franc (CFA).”

In a ‘source comment’, the original declassified email adds:

“According to knowledgeable individuals this quantity of gold and silver is valued at more than $7 billion. French intelligence officers discovered this plan shortly after the current rebellion began, and this was one of the factors that influenced President Nicolas Sarkozy’s decision to commit France to the attack on Libya. According to these individuals Sarkozy’s plans are driven by the following issues:

1. A desire to gain a greater share of Libya oil production,
2. Increase French influence in North Africa,

3. Improve his internal political situation in France,

4. Provide the French military with an opportunity to reassert its position in the world,

5. Address the concern of his advisors over Qaddafi’s long term plans to supplant France as the dominant power in Francophone Africa.”

    Conspicuously absent is any mention of humanitarian concerns. The objectives are money, power and oil.

    Other explosive confirmations in the newly-published emails are detailed by investigative journalist Robert Parry. They include admissions of rebel war crimes, of special ops trainers inside Libya from nearly the start of protests, and of Al Qaeda embedded in the US-backed opposition.

    Key propaganda themes for violent intervention are acknowledged to be mere rumors. Parry suggests they may have originated with Blumenthal himself. They include the bizarre claim that Qaddafi had a “rape policy” involving passing Viagra out to his troops, a charge later raised by UN Ambassador Susan Rice in a UN presentation. Parry asks rhetorically:

    “So do you think it would it be easier for the Obama administration to rally American support behind this ‘regime change’ by explaining how the French wanted to steal Libya’s wealth and maintain French neocolonial influence over Africa – or would Americans respond better to propaganda themes about Gaddafi passing out Viagra to his troops so they could rape more women while his snipers targeted innocent children? Bingo!”

    Toppling the global financial scheme

    Qaddafi’s threatened attempt to establish an independent African currency was not taken lightly by Western interests. In 2011, Sarkozy reportedly called the Libyan leader a threat to the financial security of the world. How could this tiny country of six million people pose such a threat? First some background.

    It is banks, not governments, that create most of the money in Western economies, as the Bank of England recently acknowledged. This has been going on for centuries, through the process called ‘fractional reserve’ lending. Originally, the reserves were in gold. In 1933, President Franklin Roosevelt replaced gold domestically with central bank-created reserves, but gold remained the reserve currency internationally.

    In 1944, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank were created in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, to unify this bank-created money system globally. An IMF ruling said that no paper money could have gold backing.

    A money supply created privately as debt at interest requires a continual supply of debtors; and over the next half century, most developing countries wound up in debt to the IMF. The loans came with strings attached, including ‘structural adjustment’ policies involving austerity measures and privatization of public assets.

    After 1944, the US dollar traded interchangeably with gold as global reserve currency. When the US was no longer able to maintain the dollar’s gold backing, in the 1970s it made a deal with OPEC to ‘back’ the dollar with oil, creating the ‘petro-dollar’. Oil would be sold only in US dollars, which would be deposited in Wall Street and other international banks.

    In 2001, dissatisfied with the shrinking value of the dollars that OPEC was getting for its oil, Iraq’s Saddam Hussein broke the pact and sold oil in euros. Regime change swiftly followed, accompanied by widespread destruction of the country.

    In Libya, Qaddafi also broke the pact; but he did more than just sell his oil in another currency. As these developments are detailed by blogger Denise Rhyne:

    “For decades, Libya and other African countries had been attempting to create a pan-African gold standard. Libya’s al-Qadhafi and other heads of African States had wanted an independent, pan-African, ‘hard currency’.

    “Under al-Qadhafi’s leadership, African nations had convened at least twice for monetary unification. The countries discussed the possibility of using the Libyan dinar and the silver dirham as the only possible money to buy African oil.

    “Until the recent US/NATO invasion, the gold dinar was issued by the Central Bank of Libya (CBL). The Libyan bank was 100% state owned and independent. Foreigners had to go through the CBL to do business with Libya. The Central Bank of Libya issued the dinar, using the country’s 143.8 tons of gold.

    “Libya’s Qadhafi (African Union 2009 Chair) conceived and financed a plan to unify the sovereign States of Africa with one gold currency (United States of Africa). In 2004, a pan-African Parliament (53 nations) laid plans for the African Economic Community – with a single gold currency by 2023.

    “African oil-producing nations were planning to abandon the petro-dollar, and demand gold payment for oil/gas.”

    Showing what is possible

    Qaddafi had done more than organize an African monetary coup. He had demonstrated that financial independence could be achieved. His greatest infrastructure project, the Great Man-made River, was turning arid regions into a breadbasket for Libya; and the $33 billion project was being funded interest-free without foreign debt, through Libya’s own state-owned bank.

    That could explain why this critical piece of infrastructure was destroyed in 2011. NATO not only bombed the pipeline but finished off the project by bombing the factory producing the pipes necessary to repair it.

    Crippling a civilian irrigation system serving up to 70% of the population hardly looks like humanitarian intervention. Rather, as Canadian Professor Maximilian Forte put it in his heavily researched book Slouching Towards Sirte: NATO’s War on Libya and Africa,

    “the goal of US military intervention was to disrupt an emerging pattern of independence and a network of collaboration within Africa that would facilitate increased African self-reliance. This is at odds with the geostrategic and political economic ambitions of extra-continental European powers, namely the US.”

    Mystery solved

    Hilary Clinton’s emails shed light on another enigma remarked on by early commentators. Why, within weeks of initiating fighting, did the rebels set up their own central bank? Robert Wenzel wrote in The Economic Policy Journal in 2011:

    “This suggests we have a bit more than a rag tag bunch of rebels running around and that there are some pretty sophisticated influences. I have never before heard of a central bank being created in just a matter of weeks out of a popular uprising.”

    It was all highly suspicious, but as Alex Newman concluded in a November 2011 article:

    “Whether salvaging central banking and the corrupt global monetary system were truly among the reasons for Gadhafi’s overthrow … may never be known for certain – at least not publicly.”

    There the matter would have remained – suspicious but unverified like so many stories of fraud and corruption – but for the publication of Hillary Clinton’s emails after an FBI probe. They add substantial weight to Newman’s suspicions: violent intervention was not chiefly about the security of the people.

    It was about the security of global banking, money and oil.

     


     

    Ellen Brown is an attorney, founder of the Public Banking Institute, and author of twelve books including the best-selling Web of Debt. Her latest book, The Public Bank Solution, explores successful public banking models historically and globally. Her 300+ blog articles are at EllenBrown.com. Listen to ‘It’s Our Money with Ellen Brown‘ on PRN.FM.

    Exposing the Libyan Agenda: A Closer Look at Hillary’s Emails

     

No matter what BBC says: Fukushima disaster is killing people

I am so ashamed of the BBC. It seems, as an institution, to be supporting and promulgating an enormous lie about the health effects of radioactive pollution. And not providing any balanced scientific picture.

On the 5th Anniversary of the catastrophe we saw Prof Geraldine Thomas, the nuclear industry’s new public relations star, walk through the abandoned town of Ohkuma inside the Fukushima exclusion zone with BBC reporter Rupert Wingfield-Hayes.

She was described as “One of Britain’s leading experts on the health effects of radiation”. Thomas is of the opinion that there is no danger and the Japanese refugees can come back and live there in the ‘zone’. Her main concern was how untidy it all was: “left to rack and ruin”, she complained, sadly.

At one point Rupert pulled out his Geiger Counter and read the dose of 3 microSieverts per hour. “What does that mean”, he asked, “how much radiation would it give in a year to people who came back here?”

Thomas replied, “About an extra milliSievert a year which is not much considering you get 2mSv a year from natural background. The long term impact on your health would be absolutely nothing.”

Now anyone who has a calculator can easily multiply 3 microSieverts (3 x 10-6 Sv) by 24 hours and 365 days. The answer is 26 mSv (0.026Sv) not “about 1mSv” as the “leading expert on the health effects of radiation” told the dumbfounded viewers.

Any real expert would not have made such a stupid mistake. But this woman is not a real expert, her CV shows she has published almost nothing in the way of original research, so we must ask how it is the BBC come to take her seriously.

Those who hate nothing so much as the truth

This recalled the day the first reactor exploded in 2011. I was in London, and the BBC asked me to come into the studio and comment. Also there was a nuclear industry apologist, Dr Ian Fells. Like Gerry Thomas he was unconcerned about the radiation: the main problem for him was that the lifts would not work. People would have to climb stairs, he complained.

I said then on that first day that this was a serious accident like Chernobyl but he and all the stooges that followed him told the viewers that it was no problem, not like Chernobyl, hydrogen explosion, no breach of containment pressure vessels etc. Some months later, looking back, it is clear I was correct on every point, but I never was invited back to the BBC.

I visited Japan, took sophisticated measuring equipment, obtained vehicle air filters, spoke to the Japanese people and advised them to take Calcium tablets to block the Strontium-90. My vehicle air filter measurements showed clearly that large areas of north east Japan were seriously contaminated including Tokyo.

This was too much for the nuclear industry: I was attacked in the Guardian newspaper by pro-nuclear Pauline-converted George Monbiot in an attempt to destroy my credibility. One other attacker was Geraldine Thomas. What she said then was as madly incorrect then as what she is saying now. But the Guardian would not let me respond.

The important evidence for me in the recent BBC clip is the measurement of dose given by Rupert’s Geiger counter, 3microSieverts per hour (3μSv/h). Normal background in Japan (I know, I measured it there) is about 0.1μSv/h. So in terms of external radiation, Ruperts’s measurement gave 30 times normal background.

Fukushima: we have a very serious problem

Is this a problem for health? You bet it is. The question no-one asked is what is causing the excess dose? The answer is easy: radioactive contamination, principally of Caesium-137. On the basis of well-known physics relationships we can say that 3μSv/h at 1m above ground represents a surface contamination of about 900,000 Bq per square metre of Cs-137. That is, 900,000 disintegrations per second in one square metre of surface.

And note that they were standing on a tarmac road which appeared to be clean. And this is 5 years after the explosions. The material is everywhere, and it is in the form of dust particles which can be inhaled. Invisible sparkling fairy-dust that kills hang in the air above such measurements.

The particles are not just of Caesium-137. They contain other long lived radioactivity, Strontium-90, Plutonium 239, Uranium-235, Uranium 238, Radium-226, Polonium-210, Lead-210, Tritium, isotopes of Rhodium, Ruthenium, Iodine, Cerium, Cobalt 60, the list is long.

The UN definition of radioactively contaminated land is 37,000Bq / square metre, and so, on the basis of the measurement made by the BBC reporter, the town of Ohkuma in the Fukushima zone (and we assume everywhere else in the zone) is still, five years after the incident, more than 20 times the level where the UN would, and the Soviets did, step in and control the population.

But the Japanese government want to send the people back there. It is bribing them with money and housing assistance. It is saying, like Gerry Thomas, that there is no danger. And the BBC is giving this criminal misdirection a credible platform. The argument is based on the current radiation risk model, that of the International Commission on Radiological Protection the ICRP.

Last month, my German colleagues and I published a scientific paper in the peer reviewed journal Environmental Health and Toxicology. It uses real-world data from those exposed to the same substances that were released by Fukushima to show that the ICRP model is wrong by 1,000 times or more.

This is a game changing piece of research. But were we asked to appear on the BBC, or anywhere else? No. What do our findings and calculations suggest will have happened in the five years since the explosions and into the future? Let’s take a look at what has happened since 2011.

And this is only the beginning …

The reactors are still uncontrolled five years after the explosions and continue to release their radioactive contents to the environment despite all attempts to prevent this. Concerning the melted fuel, there is no way to assess the condition or specific whereabouts of the fuel though it is clearly out of the box and in the ground. Robots fail at the extremely high radiation levels found.

Ground water flowing through the plant is becoming contaminated and is being pumped into storage tanks for treatment. High radiation levels and debris have delayed the removal of spent fuel from numbers 1, 2 and 3 reactor buildings. TEPCO plans to remove debris from reactor 3 and this work has begun. Then they are hoping to remove the fuel rods out of reactors 1 and 2 by 2020 and the work on removing debris from these 2 reactors has not begun yet.

Much of the radioactivity goes into the sea, where it travels several hundreds of km. up and down the coast destroying sea life and contaminating intertidal sediment. The radionuclides bind to fine sediment and concentrate in river estuaries and tidal areas like Tokyo Bay.

Here the particles are resuspended and brought ashore to be inhaled by those living within 1km of the coast. From work done by my group for the Irish Government on the contaminated Irish Sea we know that this exposure will increase the rate of cancer in the coastal inhabitants by about 30%.

The releases have not been stopped despite huge amounts of work, thought and action. The treated water is still highly radioactive and cannot yet be released. An ice wall designed to stop the flow of water getting to the plant is still not operational and the Japanese Nuclear regulator still has not given the go-ahead.

‘Son of Fukushima’ waiting to happen

This may be wise because an environment report showed that use of the ground water caused rapid subsidence and can destabilise the structures of the reactors. That is a real problem on site with 3 heavy spent fuel pools still full and largely inaccessible. Collapse of the buildings would lead to coolant loss and a fire or even explosion releasing huge amounts of radioactivity.

So this is one nightmare scenario: ‘Son of Fukushima’. A solid wall at the port side may have slowed the water down but diverting the water may cause problems with the ground water pressure on site and thus also threaten subsidence. Space for storing the radioactive water is running out and it seems likely that this will have to be eventually spilled into the Pacific.

Only 10% of the plant has been cleaned up although there are 8,000 workers on site at any one time, mostly dealing with the contaminated water. Run-off from storms brings more contamination down the rivers from the mountains. There are millions of 1-ton container bags full of radioactive debris and other waste which has been collected in decontamination efforts outside the plant and many of these bags are only likely to last a handful of years before degrading and spilling their contents. Typhoons will spread this highly contaminated contents far and wide.

TEPCO are also burning waste from the plant in a single incinerator. Further afield, contamination efforts to clean up the homes and roads are hampered by the torrential rains that are increasing because of global warming; the rain is bringing large amounts of contaminated soil back into these areas as well as the contaminated leaves and pollen from the forest areas that TEPCO are unable to clean.

Far off the shore there are natural areas that act as nurseries for many species of sea life. It has been found that intertidal marine species such as anemones, sponges, crustaceans, worms and bivalves within 30 km of the damaged reactors have disappeared altogether because of the 300 tons of highly radioactive water a day flowing out of the plant into the sea.

This water contains large amounts of tritium, making it radioactive; the effects of tritium on the larval stages of marine invertebrates has been studied in the UK. It was found at the University of Plymouth that levels involving doses of less than 1mSv of tritium inhibited the development.

Going global

Radioactivity from Fukushima has now migrated across the Pacific and is appearing on the West Coast of the USA. The scientific community there, like Gerry Thomas, subscribe to the flawed ICRP model, and since the levels of Caesium-137 measured are low, (maybe 10Bq/cubic metre of sea water), they say that there will be no health effects. But like Thomas they are wrong.

The problem is that ‘dose’ cannot be used to assess risk from internal radioactive particles. Dose is an average over large masses of tissue: but cancer begins in a single cell or local community of cells and these particles from Fukushima cause massive local doses. This is why there have been countless web reports of marine mammals with patchy sores or localised tumours. The question of the ongoing effect of this Fukushima radioactivity on the Pacific biota far from Japan remains open.

The effects on wild creatures in Japan are clear and have been studied. There have been peer-reviewed reports of genetic damage in birds and in insects; a major scientist studying these genetic effects at Fukushima and in the Chernobyl affected areas also is Tim Mousseau.

But whilst he can study plants and animals, no-one can study humans. There is a kind of closure on such data, with the Japanese government controlling it. The government is more interested in getting Fukushima ready for the Olympics and is using financial and cultural pressure to move families back into contaminated zones.

Japan is also exporting radioactive produce, and is using trade agreements to bully countries into accepting these poisons on the basis of the ICRP model. I was in Korea a few months back as an expert witness in a radiation case involving high levels of thyroid cancer near their nuclear sites. I was told about Japan using international trade laws to force its contaminated foods on to the Koreans, who were measuring the radioactivity and sending the stuff back. So watch out for radioactive items from Japan.

So what’s the evidence?

Let’s look at the only real health data which has emerged to see if it gives any support to my original estimate of 400,000 extra cancers in the 200km radius. Prof Tsuda has recently published a paper in the peer reviewed literature identifying 116 thyroid cancers detected over three years by ultrasound scanning of 380,000 0-18 year olds.

The background rate is about 0.3 per 100,000 per year, so in three years we can expect 3.42 thyroid cancers. But 116 were found, an excess of about 112 cases. Geraldine says that these were all found because they looked: but Tsuda’s paper reports that an ultrasound study in Nagasaki (no exposures) found zero cases, and also an early ultrasound study also found zero cases. So Geraldine is wrong. The thyroid doses were reported to be about 10mSv. On the basis of the ICRP model, that gives an error of about 2,000 times.

From the results of our new genetic paper we can safely predict a 100% increase in congenital malformations in the population up to 200km radius. In an advanced technological country like Japan these will be picked up early by ultrasound and aborted, so we will not actually see them, even if there were data we could trust.

What we will see is a fall in the birth rate and increase in the death rate. We know what has been happening and what will happen; we have seen it before in Chernobyl. And just like Chernobyl, the (western) authorities are influenced by or take their lead from the nuclear industry: the ICRP and the International Atomic Energy Agency, (IAEA) which since 1959 has taken over from the World Health Organisation as the responsible authority for radiation and health (Yes, really!).

They keep the lid on the truth using stupid individuals like Geraldine Thomas and, by analogy with New Labour: New BBC. Increasingly I could say ‘New Britain’ as opposed to the Great Britain of my childhood, a country I was proud of where you could trust the BBC. I wonder how the reporters like Rupert can live with themselves presenting these lies.

Fukushima is far from being over, the deaths have only just begun.

 


 

The BBC report: bbc.com/news/world-asia-35761141

The study:Genetic Radiation Risks – A Neglected Topic in the Low Dose Dabate‘ by Busby C, Schmitz-Feuerhake I, Pflugbeil S is published in Environmental Health and Toxicology.

Chris Busby is an expert on the health effects of ionizing radiation. He qualified in Chemical Physics at the Universities of London and Kent, and worked on the molecular physical chemistry of living cells for the Wellcome Foundation. Professor Busby is the Scientific Secretary of the European Committee on Radiation Risk based in Brussels and has edited many of its publications since its founding in 1998. He has held a number of honorary University positions, including Visiting Professor in the Faculty of Health of the University of Ulster. Busby currently lives in Riga, Latvia. See also: chrisbusbyexposed.org, greenaudit.org and llrc.org.

Latest book: Christopher Busby (2015) ‘What is Life? On the origin and mechanism of living systems‘. QTP Publications. Illustrated by Saoirse Morgan. ISBN 978-0-9565132-1-2, 130pp. Order from Amazon UK (£10.00) or QTP publications 10 Bratwell Rd, Coleraine, BT51 4LB.

This article is an extended version of one originally published on RT.

 

WHO / IARC: glyphosate itself is the cancer and genotoxicity problem

In March 2015, IARC classified glyphosate as ‘probably carcinogenic to humans’ (Group 2A).

This was based on ‘limited’ evidence of cancer in humans (from real-world exposures that actually occurred) and ‘sufficient’ evidence of cancer in experimental animals (from studies of ‘pure’ glyphosate).

IARC also concluded that there was ‘strong’ evidence for genotoxicity, both for ‘pure’ glyphosate and for glyphosate formulations.

The IARC Monographs evaluation is based on the systematic assembly and review of all publicly available and pertinent studies, by independent experts, free from vested interests. It follows strict scientific criteria, and the classification system is recognized and used as a reference all around the world. This is because IARC evaluations are based on independent scientific review and rigorous criteria and procedures.

To reach these conclusions, IARC reviewed about 1000 studies. Some of the studies looked at people exposed through their jobs, such as farmers. Others were experimental studies on cancer and cancer-related effects in experimental systems.

Could the carcinogenic effects of glyphosate be related to the other chemicals in the formulations?

No. The IARC Monographs evaluation is based on the systematic assembly and review of all publicly available evidence relevant to the carcinogenicity of glyphosate. Most people’s exposure to glyphosate concerns commercial formulations that include glyphosate and other ingredients. The Monograph included these studies of real-world exposures to humans. It also included experimental studies of ‘pure’ glyphosate and of glyphosate-based formulations.

For the experimental studies of ‘pure’ glyphosate, the Monograph concluded that the evidence for causing cancer in experimental animals was ‘sufficient’ and the evidence for causing genotoxicity was ‘strong’. The real-world exposures experienced by human populations are to a variety of formulations of glyphosate with other chemicals, because this is how glyphosate is mainly sold and used. Similar results were reported in studies of different formulations used in different geographical regions at different times.

Taking all of this evidence together, the IARC Working Group classified glyphosate as ‘probably carcinogenic to humans’ (Group 2A). Following the criteria in the Preamble to the IARC Monographs, the classification of glyphosate is based on ‘limited’ evidence of cancer in humans (from exposures that actually occurred) and ‘sufficient’ evidence of cancer in experimental animals (from studies of ‘pure’ glyphosate). This classification is further supported by ‘strong’ evidence for genotoxicity, both for ‘pure’ glyphosate and for glyphosate formulations.

Could the co-formulants be the cause of the genotoxic effects reported in the IARC Monograph?

With regard to genotoxicity, the IARC Working Group evaluated studies of ‘pure’ glyphosate as well as studies of glyphosate-based formulations. The Working Group reached the same hazard conclusion for glyphosate and for its formulations: they concluded that the evidence for genotoxicity was ‘strong’ for glyphosate and ‘strong’ for glyphosate formulations.

Several of the epidemiological studies considered by the IARC expert Working Group showed increased cancer rates in occupational settings after exposure to glyphosate herbicides. Can this be attributed to glyphosate as a single ingredient or could it be due to other chemicals in the formulations?

Real-world exposures that people experience are to glyphosate in formulated products. Studies of humans exposed to different formulations in different regions at different times reported similar increases in the same type of cancer, non-Hodgkin lymphoma. Data on ‘pure’ glyphosate from animal and other experimental studies, including on human cells, support the conclusion from the studies of exposed people. For the studies of ‘pure’ glyphosate, the Monograph concluded that the evidence for cancer in experimental animals was ‘sufficient’ and the evidence for genotoxicity was ‘strong’.

One of the key studies evaluated in the Monograph was the United States Agricultural Health Study (AHS). This study did not find an association between non-Hodgkin lymphoma and glyphosate. Can this study alone outweigh the positive associations found in other epidemiological studies?

The Agricultural Health Study (AHS) has been described as the ‘most powerful’ study, but this is not correct. The AHS collected data on cancer and pesticide use in more than 50 000 farmers and pesticide applicators in two states in the USA. The weakness of the study is that people were followed up for a short period of time, which means fewer cases of cancer would have had time to appear. This factor can limit the ability of a study to detect an association if one truly exists. Therefore, although the AHS is a large, well-conducted study, its results on glyphosate and non-Hodgkin lymphoma risk do not outweigh those of other studies.

The IARC Working Group also conducted an objective statistical analysis of the results of all of the available studies on glyphosate and non-Hodgkin lymphoma, which included the AHS and all of the case-control studies. The data from all of the studies combined show a statistically significant association between non-Hodgkin lymphoma and exposure to glyphosate.

In the studies IARC evaluated, were there cancers only seen in animals exposed to the toxic doses of glyphosate?

No. The IARC Working Group identified statistically significant trends of higher numbers of cancers with higher doses of ‘pure’ glyphosate in studies of mice, suggesting increasing response with dose. Cancers were seen in the absence of toxicity.

An important consideration in the IARC Working Group’s evaluation was that glyphosate caused unusual types of tumours, which are very rarely seen in untreated animals. Rare tumours can provide important evidence of a cause-and-effect relationship, but may only be seen at high doses. The IARC Working Group’s evaluation of these tumours was in line with accepted principles and gave highly significant results.

Regulatory agencies have reviewed the key studies examined by IARC – and more – and concluded that glyphosate poses no unreasonable risks to humans. What did IARC do differently?

Many regulatory agencies rely primarily on industry data from toxicological studies that are not available in the public domain. In contrast, IARC systematically assembles and evaluates all relevant evidence available in the public domain for independent scientific review.

For the IARC Monograph on glyphosate, the total volume of publications and other information sources considered by the Working Group was about 1000 citations. All citations were then screened for relevance, following the principles in the Preamble to the IARC Monographs.

After this screening process, the Monograph sections on cancer epidemiology and cancer bioassays in laboratory animals cited every included study. The sections on exposure and mechanisms of carcinogenesis consider representative studies and therefore do not necessarily cite every identified study. Once published, the IARC Monograph on glyphosate cited 269 references.

In the interests of transparency, IARC evaluations rely only on data that are in the public domain and available for independent scientific review. The IARC Working Group’s evaluation of glyphosate included any industry studies that met these criteria. However, they did not include data from summary tables in online supplements to published articles, which did not provide enough detail for independent assessment. This was the case with some of the industry studies of cancer in experimental animals.

With the material reviewed by the Working Group, there was enough evidence to conclude that glyphosate is probably carcinogenic to humans.

What does IARC’s classification mean in terms of the probability of developing a cancer?

The IARC Working Group’s classification of glyphosate as ‘probably carcinogenic to humans’ (Group 2A) is based on ‘limited’ evidence of cancer in humans (from real-world exposures that actually occurred) and ‘sufficient’ evidence of cancer in experimental animals (from studies of ‘pure’ glyphosate). This classification is further supported by ‘strong’ evidence for genotoxicity, both for ‘pure’ glyphosate and for glyphosate formulations.

The IARC Monographs evaluation is a hazard classification. It indicates the strength of evidence that glyphosate can cause cancer. The probability of developing a cancer will depend on factors such as the type and extent of exposure and the strength of the effect of the agent.

 


 

The document: International Agency for Research on Cancer ‘Q&A on Glyphosate‘ released 1st March 2016.