Monthly Archives: March 2016

Racist housing? How postwar suburban development led to today’s inner-city lead poisoning

The Flint water crisis and the sad story of Freddie Gray’s lead poisoning have catalyzed a broader discussion about lead poisoning in the United States. What are the risks? Who is most vulnerable? Who is responsible?

Lead is an enormous and pervasive threat to public health. Almost any level of exposure causes permanent cognitive problems in children. And there are many sources.

Ten million water service lines nationwide contain lead. Some 37 million US homes contain lead-based paint somewhere in the building. Soils in many areas are contaminated with lead that was added to gasoline and emitted from car exhaust.

But the risk is not evenly distributed. Some Americans face a ‘triple whammy’ of increased risk based on poverty, race, and place. Evidence dating back to the 1970s has shown that lead poisoning rates are higher in inner cities and low-income and minority neighborhoods than in white, affluent, and suburban neighborhoods.

And although children’s blood lead levels have fallen significantly in recent decades, these disparities still exist. My dissertation research shows that government-supported suburban development and racial segregation after World War II contributed to lead poisoning by concentrating minority families in substandard urban housing.

An urban epidemic

Humans have used lead for thousands of years in products ranging from ceramic glazes to cosmetics. Exposure increased in the industrial era. Lead piping and paint came into wide use in the 19th century, followed by lead batteries and leaded gasoline in the 1920s.

Health experts knew that lead was toxic, but childhood lead poisoning did not become a sustained public health concern until the second half of the twentieth century, due in part to obstruction from the lead industry.

After World War II, child lead poisoning cases spiked in many cities, especially among low-income African-Americans. In Baltimore child lead poisoning cases rose from an average of 12 per year between 1936 and 1945 to 77 cases in 1951 and 133 cases in 1958.

Lead poisoning cases also increased in Cincinnati and other cities in the 1950s and ‘60’s. Experts identified a key source: peeling and flaking lead-based paint. The victims were mainly from poor, minority families in deteriorating inner-city neighborhoods.

One obvious solution would have been to find better housing – and indeed, during this period millions of Americans were moving from cities to suburbs. But discriminatory government policies effectively excluded minority families from buying homes in suburban neighborhoods, leaving them trapped in cities, where a vicious cycle of deterioration and disinvestment exacerbated lead hazards.

Racially-segregated developments and mortgages

Suburbanization and home ownership in America exploded after World War II. Many urban scholars identify federal housing and highway policies as the most important drivers of 20th-century suburbanization.

One key agency, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), was created during the Great Depression to make homeownership more feasible by offering federal insurance for home mortgages. FHA loans favored new suburban housing, especially from the 1930s to the 1960s.

Agency guidelines, such as those for minimum lot size, excluded many inner-city homes, such as Baltimore’s classic row houses. Other FHA guidelines and suggestions for neighborhoods – such as minimum setbacks and street widths – favored new suburban developments.

FHA appraisal standards warned against “older properties” and “adverse influences” on home value, including smoke, odor and traffic congestion. Until the late 1940s the agency considered “inharmonious” racial groups a housing finance risk.

After the Supreme Court declared racial covenants legally unenforceable in 1948, the FHA moderated its policies. But for the next decade it made little effort to curb housing discrimination, with some of its major administrators continuing to defend racial segregation.

Not surprisingly, the vast majority of FHA loans went to single-family, new homes in the suburbs. According to the US Commission on Civil Rights, less than two percent of FHA loans issued from 1947 through 1959 went to African-Americans.

Federal transportation policy also spurred and shaped post-war suburbanization. In 1956 Congress enacted the Interstate Highway Act, which was designed to ease traffic congestion. The act authorized billions of dollars to complete about 42,000 miles of highways, half of which were to go through cities.

The proliferation of interstates and automobiles made downtowns increasingly obsolete and furthered movement to the suburbs. According to one estimate, each highway built through a city reduced the city’s population by 18%.

And suburban automobile commuting contributed directly to urban lead poisoning. Inner city residents absorbed the bulk of lead gas pollution from commuters who converged on cities daily. Lead gas exhaust contaminated soil in city neighborhoods.

White flight and urban blight

As black populations in cities increased, African Americans began moving into formerly all-white neighborhoods. ‘White flight’ followed: panicked white homeowners moved away. Often the cycle was inflamed by ‘blockbusters‘ – people who used the threat of integration to get white homeowners to sell for low prices.

Real estate speculators who acquired these cheap properties sold some of them (at inflated prices) to minority buyers. Many used highly exploitative contracts. Black homeowners had to make high interest payments, leaving them with little money for maintenance.

Conditions were even worse for black renters. Slumlords often neglected maintenance and tax payments on their properties. Even when city health codes targeted lead paint, as in New York and Baltimore, landlords milking properties for profit often failed to comply.

Disinvestment in inner city housing became a self-perpetuating cycle. A 1975 study for the US Department of Housing and Urban Development concluded that landlords who had low-income renters and few financing options scrimped on maintenance, furthering housing decline. Eventually landlords abandoned their rentals, which led to further neighborhood disinvestment.

Cleaning up urban lead – a 17 to 211-fold return on investment

Cleaning up lead contamination is expensive. One recent study estimates that it would cost US$1.2 billion to $11 billion to eliminate lead risks in one million high-risk homes (old buildings occupied by low-income families with children). But it also calculated that every dollar spent on lead paint clean-up would generate from $17 to $221 in benefits from earnings, tax revenue and reduced health and education costs.

Government agencies and nonprofits have poured money into lead research, screening, and hazard reduction programs, but more is needed. The largest source, HUD’s Lead Hazards Control Program, has received $110 million annually from 2014 to 2016, only enough to fund lead abatement in about 8,800 homes yearly.

Moreover, in the past few years, the Congress has sought to cut HUD’s budget even further, by a half in 2013 and by a third just in the past year. Fortunately, those proposals were not successful, but even without them, lead hazard reduction funding is woefully inadequate.

Can we find other sources? Since government housing policies have contributed to lead poisoning, perhaps we should tap them to fund cleanup. For example, the home mortgage interest tax deduction subsidizes new homes in the suburbs, and is particularly beneficial to more affluent homeowners.

Reforming the mortgage interest deduction, which costs the federal government $70 billion annually, could generate funding to remediate older rental houses. Some of this money could also be used to expand programs run by federal agencies, local governments and nonprofits that fund multiple improvements in low-income housing, including mold abatement and energy efficiency upgrades.

Time to right a deep historic wrong

Another strategy would be to create a mechanism modeled on Property Assessed Clean Energy programs for lead paint removal. PACE programs allows state and local governments or other authorities to fund the upfront costs of energy efficiency upgrades, then attach the costs to the property. Owners pay the costs back over time through assessments which are added to their property tax bills.

The United States has heavily subsidized suburban home ownership for more than 80 years. This policy helped many Americans, but hurt others, including families still trapped in homes where they are at risk of lead poisoning.

Today, as many observers hail a US urban renaissance, the persistence of lead poisoning highlights a continuing need for more investment in housing and health in our inner cities.

 


 

Leif Fredrickson is a Ph.D. student and Mellon Pre-Doctoral Fellow at the University of Virginia.The Conversation

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

 

Racist housing? How postwar suburban development led to today’s inner-city lead poisoning

The Flint water crisis and the sad story of Freddie Gray’s lead poisoning have catalyzed a broader discussion about lead poisoning in the United States. What are the risks? Who is most vulnerable? Who is responsible?

Lead is an enormous and pervasive threat to public health. Almost any level of exposure causes permanent cognitive problems in children. And there are many sources.

Ten million water service lines nationwide contain lead. Some 37 million US homes contain lead-based paint somewhere in the building. Soils in many areas are contaminated with lead that was added to gasoline and emitted from car exhaust.

But the risk is not evenly distributed. Some Americans face a ‘triple whammy’ of increased risk based on poverty, race, and place. Evidence dating back to the 1970s has shown that lead poisoning rates are higher in inner cities and low-income and minority neighborhoods than in white, affluent, and suburban neighborhoods.

And although children’s blood lead levels have fallen significantly in recent decades, these disparities still exist. My dissertation research shows that government-supported suburban development and racial segregation after World War II contributed to lead poisoning by concentrating minority families in substandard urban housing.

An urban epidemic

Humans have used lead for thousands of years in products ranging from ceramic glazes to cosmetics. Exposure increased in the industrial era. Lead piping and paint came into wide use in the 19th century, followed by lead batteries and leaded gasoline in the 1920s.

Health experts knew that lead was toxic, but childhood lead poisoning did not become a sustained public health concern until the second half of the twentieth century, due in part to obstruction from the lead industry.

After World War II, child lead poisoning cases spiked in many cities, especially among low-income African-Americans. In Baltimore child lead poisoning cases rose from an average of 12 per year between 1936 and 1945 to 77 cases in 1951 and 133 cases in 1958.

Lead poisoning cases also increased in Cincinnati and other cities in the 1950s and ‘60’s. Experts identified a key source: peeling and flaking lead-based paint. The victims were mainly from poor, minority families in deteriorating inner-city neighborhoods.

One obvious solution would have been to find better housing – and indeed, during this period millions of Americans were moving from cities to suburbs. But discriminatory government policies effectively excluded minority families from buying homes in suburban neighborhoods, leaving them trapped in cities, where a vicious cycle of deterioration and disinvestment exacerbated lead hazards.

Racially-segregated developments and mortgages

Suburbanization and home ownership in America exploded after World War II. Many urban scholars identify federal housing and highway policies as the most important drivers of 20th-century suburbanization.

One key agency, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), was created during the Great Depression to make homeownership more feasible by offering federal insurance for home mortgages. FHA loans favored new suburban housing, especially from the 1930s to the 1960s.

Agency guidelines, such as those for minimum lot size, excluded many inner-city homes, such as Baltimore’s classic row houses. Other FHA guidelines and suggestions for neighborhoods – such as minimum setbacks and street widths – favored new suburban developments.

FHA appraisal standards warned against “older properties” and “adverse influences” on home value, including smoke, odor and traffic congestion. Until the late 1940s the agency considered “inharmonious” racial groups a housing finance risk.

After the Supreme Court declared racial covenants legally unenforceable in 1948, the FHA moderated its policies. But for the next decade it made little effort to curb housing discrimination, with some of its major administrators continuing to defend racial segregation.

Not surprisingly, the vast majority of FHA loans went to single-family, new homes in the suburbs. According to the US Commission on Civil Rights, less than two percent of FHA loans issued from 1947 through 1959 went to African-Americans.

Federal transportation policy also spurred and shaped post-war suburbanization. In 1956 Congress enacted the Interstate Highway Act, which was designed to ease traffic congestion. The act authorized billions of dollars to complete about 42,000 miles of highways, half of which were to go through cities.

The proliferation of interstates and automobiles made downtowns increasingly obsolete and furthered movement to the suburbs. According to one estimate, each highway built through a city reduced the city’s population by 18%.

And suburban automobile commuting contributed directly to urban lead poisoning. Inner city residents absorbed the bulk of lead gas pollution from commuters who converged on cities daily. Lead gas exhaust contaminated soil in city neighborhoods.

White flight and urban blight

As black populations in cities increased, African Americans began moving into formerly all-white neighborhoods. ‘White flight’ followed: panicked white homeowners moved away. Often the cycle was inflamed by ‘blockbusters‘ – people who used the threat of integration to get white homeowners to sell for low prices.

Real estate speculators who acquired these cheap properties sold some of them (at inflated prices) to minority buyers. Many used highly exploitative contracts. Black homeowners had to make high interest payments, leaving them with little money for maintenance.

Conditions were even worse for black renters. Slumlords often neglected maintenance and tax payments on their properties. Even when city health codes targeted lead paint, as in New York and Baltimore, landlords milking properties for profit often failed to comply.

Disinvestment in inner city housing became a self-perpetuating cycle. A 1975 study for the US Department of Housing and Urban Development concluded that landlords who had low-income renters and few financing options scrimped on maintenance, furthering housing decline. Eventually landlords abandoned their rentals, which led to further neighborhood disinvestment.

Cleaning up urban lead – a 17 to 211-fold return on investment

Cleaning up lead contamination is expensive. One recent study estimates that it would cost US$1.2 billion to $11 billion to eliminate lead risks in one million high-risk homes (old buildings occupied by low-income families with children). But it also calculated that every dollar spent on lead paint clean-up would generate from $17 to $221 in benefits from earnings, tax revenue and reduced health and education costs.

Government agencies and nonprofits have poured money into lead research, screening, and hazard reduction programs, but more is needed. The largest source, HUD’s Lead Hazards Control Program, has received $110 million annually from 2014 to 2016, only enough to fund lead abatement in about 8,800 homes yearly.

Moreover, in the past few years, the Congress has sought to cut HUD’s budget even further, by a half in 2013 and by a third just in the past year. Fortunately, those proposals were not successful, but even without them, lead hazard reduction funding is woefully inadequate.

Can we find other sources? Since government housing policies have contributed to lead poisoning, perhaps we should tap them to fund cleanup. For example, the home mortgage interest tax deduction subsidizes new homes in the suburbs, and is particularly beneficial to more affluent homeowners.

Reforming the mortgage interest deduction, which costs the federal government $70 billion annually, could generate funding to remediate older rental houses. Some of this money could also be used to expand programs run by federal agencies, local governments and nonprofits that fund multiple improvements in low-income housing, including mold abatement and energy efficiency upgrades.

Time to right a deep historic wrong

Another strategy would be to create a mechanism modeled on Property Assessed Clean Energy programs for lead paint removal. PACE programs allows state and local governments or other authorities to fund the upfront costs of energy efficiency upgrades, then attach the costs to the property. Owners pay the costs back over time through assessments which are added to their property tax bills.

The United States has heavily subsidized suburban home ownership for more than 80 years. This policy helped many Americans, but hurt others, including families still trapped in homes where they are at risk of lead poisoning.

Today, as many observers hail a US urban renaissance, the persistence of lead poisoning highlights a continuing need for more investment in housing and health in our inner cities.

 


 

Leif Fredrickson is a Ph.D. student and Mellon Pre-Doctoral Fellow at the University of Virginia.The Conversation

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

 

Racist housing? How postwar suburban development led to today’s inner-city lead poisoning

The Flint water crisis and the sad story of Freddie Gray’s lead poisoning have catalyzed a broader discussion about lead poisoning in the United States. What are the risks? Who is most vulnerable? Who is responsible?

Lead is an enormous and pervasive threat to public health. Almost any level of exposure causes permanent cognitive problems in children. And there are many sources.

Ten million water service lines nationwide contain lead. Some 37 million US homes contain lead-based paint somewhere in the building. Soils in many areas are contaminated with lead that was added to gasoline and emitted from car exhaust.

But the risk is not evenly distributed. Some Americans face a ‘triple whammy’ of increased risk based on poverty, race, and place. Evidence dating back to the 1970s has shown that lead poisoning rates are higher in inner cities and low-income and minority neighborhoods than in white, affluent, and suburban neighborhoods.

And although children’s blood lead levels have fallen significantly in recent decades, these disparities still exist. My dissertation research shows that government-supported suburban development and racial segregation after World War II contributed to lead poisoning by concentrating minority families in substandard urban housing.

An urban epidemic

Humans have used lead for thousands of years in products ranging from ceramic glazes to cosmetics. Exposure increased in the industrial era. Lead piping and paint came into wide use in the 19th century, followed by lead batteries and leaded gasoline in the 1920s.

Health experts knew that lead was toxic, but childhood lead poisoning did not become a sustained public health concern until the second half of the twentieth century, due in part to obstruction from the lead industry.

After World War II, child lead poisoning cases spiked in many cities, especially among low-income African-Americans. In Baltimore child lead poisoning cases rose from an average of 12 per year between 1936 and 1945 to 77 cases in 1951 and 133 cases in 1958.

Lead poisoning cases also increased in Cincinnati and other cities in the 1950s and ‘60’s. Experts identified a key source: peeling and flaking lead-based paint. The victims were mainly from poor, minority families in deteriorating inner-city neighborhoods.

One obvious solution would have been to find better housing – and indeed, during this period millions of Americans were moving from cities to suburbs. But discriminatory government policies effectively excluded minority families from buying homes in suburban neighborhoods, leaving them trapped in cities, where a vicious cycle of deterioration and disinvestment exacerbated lead hazards.

Racially-segregated developments and mortgages

Suburbanization and home ownership in America exploded after World War II. Many urban scholars identify federal housing and highway policies as the most important drivers of 20th-century suburbanization.

One key agency, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), was created during the Great Depression to make homeownership more feasible by offering federal insurance for home mortgages. FHA loans favored new suburban housing, especially from the 1930s to the 1960s.

Agency guidelines, such as those for minimum lot size, excluded many inner-city homes, such as Baltimore’s classic row houses. Other FHA guidelines and suggestions for neighborhoods – such as minimum setbacks and street widths – favored new suburban developments.

FHA appraisal standards warned against “older properties” and “adverse influences” on home value, including smoke, odor and traffic congestion. Until the late 1940s the agency considered “inharmonious” racial groups a housing finance risk.

After the Supreme Court declared racial covenants legally unenforceable in 1948, the FHA moderated its policies. But for the next decade it made little effort to curb housing discrimination, with some of its major administrators continuing to defend racial segregation.

Not surprisingly, the vast majority of FHA loans went to single-family, new homes in the suburbs. According to the US Commission on Civil Rights, less than two percent of FHA loans issued from 1947 through 1959 went to African-Americans.

Federal transportation policy also spurred and shaped post-war suburbanization. In 1956 Congress enacted the Interstate Highway Act, which was designed to ease traffic congestion. The act authorized billions of dollars to complete about 42,000 miles of highways, half of which were to go through cities.

The proliferation of interstates and automobiles made downtowns increasingly obsolete and furthered movement to the suburbs. According to one estimate, each highway built through a city reduced the city’s population by 18%.

And suburban automobile commuting contributed directly to urban lead poisoning. Inner city residents absorbed the bulk of lead gas pollution from commuters who converged on cities daily. Lead gas exhaust contaminated soil in city neighborhoods.

White flight and urban blight

As black populations in cities increased, African Americans began moving into formerly all-white neighborhoods. ‘White flight’ followed: panicked white homeowners moved away. Often the cycle was inflamed by ‘blockbusters‘ – people who used the threat of integration to get white homeowners to sell for low prices.

Real estate speculators who acquired these cheap properties sold some of them (at inflated prices) to minority buyers. Many used highly exploitative contracts. Black homeowners had to make high interest payments, leaving them with little money for maintenance.

Conditions were even worse for black renters. Slumlords often neglected maintenance and tax payments on their properties. Even when city health codes targeted lead paint, as in New York and Baltimore, landlords milking properties for profit often failed to comply.

Disinvestment in inner city housing became a self-perpetuating cycle. A 1975 study for the US Department of Housing and Urban Development concluded that landlords who had low-income renters and few financing options scrimped on maintenance, furthering housing decline. Eventually landlords abandoned their rentals, which led to further neighborhood disinvestment.

Cleaning up urban lead – a 17 to 211-fold return on investment

Cleaning up lead contamination is expensive. One recent study estimates that it would cost US$1.2 billion to $11 billion to eliminate lead risks in one million high-risk homes (old buildings occupied by low-income families with children). But it also calculated that every dollar spent on lead paint clean-up would generate from $17 to $221 in benefits from earnings, tax revenue and reduced health and education costs.

Government agencies and nonprofits have poured money into lead research, screening, and hazard reduction programs, but more is needed. The largest source, HUD’s Lead Hazards Control Program, has received $110 million annually from 2014 to 2016, only enough to fund lead abatement in about 8,800 homes yearly.

Moreover, in the past few years, the Congress has sought to cut HUD’s budget even further, by a half in 2013 and by a third just in the past year. Fortunately, those proposals were not successful, but even without them, lead hazard reduction funding is woefully inadequate.

Can we find other sources? Since government housing policies have contributed to lead poisoning, perhaps we should tap them to fund cleanup. For example, the home mortgage interest tax deduction subsidizes new homes in the suburbs, and is particularly beneficial to more affluent homeowners.

Reforming the mortgage interest deduction, which costs the federal government $70 billion annually, could generate funding to remediate older rental houses. Some of this money could also be used to expand programs run by federal agencies, local governments and nonprofits that fund multiple improvements in low-income housing, including mold abatement and energy efficiency upgrades.

Time to right a deep historic wrong

Another strategy would be to create a mechanism modeled on Property Assessed Clean Energy programs for lead paint removal. PACE programs allows state and local governments or other authorities to fund the upfront costs of energy efficiency upgrades, then attach the costs to the property. Owners pay the costs back over time through assessments which are added to their property tax bills.

The United States has heavily subsidized suburban home ownership for more than 80 years. This policy helped many Americans, but hurt others, including families still trapped in homes where they are at risk of lead poisoning.

Today, as many observers hail a US urban renaissance, the persistence of lead poisoning highlights a continuing need for more investment in housing and health in our inner cities.

 


 

Leif Fredrickson is a Ph.D. student and Mellon Pre-Doctoral Fellow at the University of Virginia.The Conversation

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

 

Why Survival International has made a formal complaint to the OECD against WWF

No organization, no matter how noble or important its goals, should be above scrutiny. Any organization that operates on a global scale, funding projects all over the world, is liable to make mistakes which have serious consequences.

When this happens, the best response is to take real steps to stop it from happening, and to acknowledge that something went wrong. It is not acceptable to close ranks, fudge the facts, and try and claim that your overall mission is too important for flaws to be publicly exposed.

The World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) is an enormous organization. In many ways it has come to symbolize conservation worldwide, its distinctive panda logo etched onto pamphlets, soft toys and fieldwork fleeces.

Despite WWF’s iconic status, anyone who considers themselves an environmentalist should be troubled by their behavior in Cameroon, and support Survival International’s complaint to the OECD.

From a legal, political, and moral perspective, WWF has made some serious errors of judgment, and needs to take real steps to address the situation as a matter of urgency. For this reason, Survival has lodged a complaint with the OECD, which publishes human rights guidelines for international enterprises, in the hope that this will lead to a change of policy.

This procedure is normally used as a corrective to gross abuses by multinational corporations – such as mining, logging and plantation companies. It seems strange to be using it against a conservation NGO, but we believe we are doing so with good reason. Allow me to explain …

A worthy cause, a dubious record

Cameroon’s rainforest, home to many endangered species including forest elephants and western lowland gorillas, is threatened by loggers and miners keen to exploit its natural riches, and by networks of powerful people looking to line their pockets with profits from ivory and bushmeat.

WWF has been involved in creating a number of ‘protected areas‘ for wildlife (a category that includes both national parks, and reserves for big game hunters to hunt for trophies) in the region.

These zones were created on the ancestral land of the Baka ‘pygmies‘ and other neighboring rainforest tribes, without securing their agreement. A bare minimum of consultation was carried out, the project was not properly explained to the Baka, and before they knew it, they had lost the legal right to live on most of their land.

Places where they had hunted and foraged for food sustainably for generations were suddenly off-limits. Sacred groves and other important religious and historical sites were now forbidden to them. Now if they try to return to these lands, they are treated as criminals, and frequently risk being brutalized by the squads of ‘ecoguards’, often accompanied by soldiers and police, that WWF funds and equips.

This is a clear violation not only of WWF’s own stated policy on indigenous peoples, it is also a denial of the Baka’s human rights. Baka are criminalized and accused of poaching when they hunt to feed their families. They are shut out of most of their ancestral land. Their health and diets have deteriorated, and rates of alcohol abuse and depression have soared.

Fortress conservation versus human rights

No international NGO claiming to act in the common good should support any initiative that robs people of their lands. Further, no people should be subjected to beatings, harassment and torture – as the Baka and neighboring tribes across the region have repeatedly testified to – under any circumstances.

Yet sadly, this is what WWF and its donors big and small have contributed to. Conservation is an important cause but it does not trump human rights, and it can never be a justification for violence. To be ethical and effective, it must work with, and not against, people on the ground.

Rather than building positive relations with the Baka, who know their environment and what happens on it better than anyone else, WWF has fundamentally alienated them from their goals. Instead of making allies of tribes, the best guardians of the natural world, WWF has, in the eyes of the Baka, made itself a byword for neocolonial brutality.

By pitting the Baka against conservation, WWF has lost touch with reality on the ground. The squads it funds are involved in poaching themselves, or accept bribes from the powerful criminals that organize poaching. Meanwhile it ignores the wealth of evidence and data that the Baka – the eyes and ears of the forest – can provide. As one Baka man told Survival, “We know when the poachers are in the forest, but no one will listen to us.”

This should be enough to make any conservationist feel very concerned indeed. Effective conservation should be about getting local people on side and spreading an environmentalist message in a positive way, not shutting them out of the process or presuming that they are involved in poaching and deserve to be punished for it.

An irresponsible response to a serious problem

I wish I could report that WWF’s reaction to Survival’s initial revelations of the failings of its policy in Cameroon was one of concern, followed by an immediate resolution to change tack.

Sadly, this was not the case. When one of Survival’s campaigners informed local WWF employees in Cameroon of what was going on, the response consisted of a few shrugs and a vague allusion to the use of force being unavoidable.

We took our concerns to the national director, to senior people at WWF UK, US, Netherlands, Germany and Italy, and to their head office in Switzerland. For two years WWF failed to take the issues seriously enough and we were finally consigned to speaking only to the PR department.

A former WWF consultant whose testimony features in Survival’s complaint spoke to a senior official in the Cameroonian government who said: “We torture [suspected poachers] when they don’t want to tell the truth.”

He added: “if we beat them, it’s because they are involved in [poaching] and they don’t want to talk” – openly attempting to justify human rights abuses in the name of wildlife conservation.

Utterly unacceptable behaviour

In 2012, WWF said that it would raise its concerns with this ministry – the very same department that had just unofficially endorsed torture. Since 2012, several further complaints have come to light from Baka tribespeople, and many other incidents are likely to have gone undocumented.

No effective action has been taken to investigate these abuses or to stop them from happening. WWF’s response to Survival’s allegations was inadequate given the seriousness of what was – and still is – going on.

They initially claimed our reports were “absurd” before acknowledging that there had been “incidents of utterly unacceptable behaviour towards Baka and others by ecoguards.” Yet they still refused to find out exactly what was happening with their donors’ money and, if necessary, do more than “raise concerns” with the Cameroonian government.

An incident in 2014 in which a Baka husband and wife were dragged from their houses in the middle of the night and violently interrogated by ecoguards – an unacceptable human rights violation even if the people in question had been involved in poaching, for which there was no evidence – was described merely as “an altercation” resulting from rivalry between local authorities.

Survival expected better from WWF. We had hoped that concern for the environment, and human rights, would go hand in hand. Instead, they have behaved exactly like a major corporation closing ranks after a scandal. Considering this, Survival felt we had no choice but to seek the involvement of a higher authority.

We have filed a formal complaint to the OECD, and await their response. In the past, OECD complaints have succeeded in pressuring large international organizations like mining giant Vedanta Resources to change tack.

It’s the first time such a complaint has been filed against a conservation NGO, but our hand was forced by WWF’s refusal to listen to us and, more importantly, to the Baka themselves.

 


 

Lewis Evans is an author, and campaigner at Survival International, the global movement for tribal peoples’ rights.

Campaign:Join Survival’s campaign for a new approach to conservation here‘.

 

Berta Cáceres, Honduran eco-defender, murdered

The co-founder of the Council of Indigenous Peoples of Honduras (Copinh) was shot dead by gunmen who entered her home in La Esperanza at around 1am on Thursday.

Some reports say there were two killers; others suggest 11. They escaped without being identified, after also wounding her brother.

Police told local media the killings occurred during an attempted robbery, but the family were certain that it was an assassination prompted by Cáceres’s high-profile campaigns against dams, illegal loggers and plantation owners.

“I have no doubt that she has been killed because of her struggle and that soldiers and people from the dam are responsible, I am sure of that. I hold the government responsible”, her 84-year-old mother said on radio Globo at 6.

Karen Spring, a friend of Cáceres’, said it was unclear how many assailants had participated in the attack, but that Cáceres was hit by at least four bullets.

Members of Copinh escorted the body as it left the house on the way to the morgue in the provincial capital. About a hundred of them also marched from the public prosecutor’s office to the police station, where they demanded an independent international investigation.

Others headed to La Esperanza to take part in the wake. “People here are still in shock that Berta is dead,” Spring told the Guardian. “But they are very clear that they will continue their struggle to honour Berta.”

A hero activist despite the dangers

Last year, Cáceres – who is a member of the Lenca indigenous group, the largest in Honduras – was awarded the Goldman Environmental Prize for her opposition to one of Central America’s biggest hydropower projects, the Agua Zarca cascade of four giant dams in the Gualcarque river basin.

The campaign has held up the project, which is being built by local firm DESA with the backing of international engineering and finance companies, and prompted the withdrawal of China’s Sinohydro and the World Bank’s private sector arm, the International Finance Corporation. Cáceres had called for other foreign partners, including the Dutch Development Bank, the Finnish Fund for Industrial Cooperation and German companies Siemens and Voith, to pull out.

She has also won plaudits from international NGOs for standing up to powerful landowners, a US-funded police force, and a mercenary army of private security guards in the most murderous country in the world for environmental campaigners.

In an interview with the Guardian at the time of her award, Cáceres was realistic about the risks she faced, but said she felt obliged to fight on and urged others to do so. “We must undertake the struggle in all parts of the world, wherever we may be, because we have no other spare or replacement planet. We have only this one, and we have to take action,” she said.

The dangers appear to have increased in recent weeks. After a Copinh march in Río Blanco on 20 February, she and other participants were confronted by the army, police, local mayor and employees of the dam company. Several were detained and some threatened, the council said in a statement.

It was not the first time. Cáceres previously said she had received warnings that she would be raped or murdered if she continued her campaigns. There have also been past reports that hitmen were hired to assassinate her.

Honduras – failing to protect its own

Honduras is a perilous place for activism. Cáceres’s fellow Copinh leader Tomás García was shot dead by a military officer in a protest in 2013. Several others have been killed this year, according to the council. Cáceres had recently moved home because she felt the new house in La Esperanza would be safer.

Between 2010 and 2014, 101 campaigners were killed in Honduras, a higher death toll relative to population than anywhere else, according to the study How Many More? by NGO Global Witness. It said a disproportionately high number of them were from indigenous communities who resisted development projects or the encroachment of farms on their territory.

The United Nations special rapporteur for indigenous rights, Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, who met Cáceres last November, said she was “saddened and horrified” by the news. “This shows the high level of impunity in Honduras. Beyond the high homicide levels in society, there is a clear tendency for indigenous campaigners and human rights activists to be killed”, said Tauli-Corpuz, whose report on the country will come out in a few months.

She noted the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights had raised concerns about Cáceres’s safety with the Honduran president, Juan Orlando Hernández, last year and formally called on the government to apply ‘precautionary measures’.

“This meant the government had to protect her”, Tauli-Corpuz said. “Yet she was assassinated just like that. If someone like her suffers in this way, then what chance is there for others who campaign for the environment and human rights?”

Jorge Alcerro, chief of staff for the Honduran president, Juan Orlando Hernández, said that security forces would “use all means to find the killers”, but he did not explain why she had no police protection at the time of her murder.

‘Incredible courage’

Billy Kyte, a campaigner at Global Witness, paid tribute to Cáceres for her “incredible courage” and said the government – which is behind many of the controversial projects – must reverse the alarmingly murderous trend in Honduras:

“The shocking news of Berta’s killing is a dramatic wake-up call for the Honduran state. Indigenous people are being killed in alarming numbers just for defending their rights. The Honduran state must act immediately to hold the killers to account and protect Berta’s family and colleagues.”

Jeff Conant, international forests campaigner at Friends of the Earth US, also expressed his sadness and anger: “The killing of Berta Cáceres is a horrible shock – but, tragically, it is not a surprise.

“Everywhere in the world where Indigenous and land-based peoples defend the earth and their ways of life, they are persecuted, dispossessed, and, as in the case of Berta and literally hundreds of others in the Honduran resistance movement, murdered in cold blood. We grieve her loss, we demand a full investigation and accountability – and we call for redoubled efforts to support frontline struggles to defend lands and indigenous territories, everywhere.”

David Gordon, executive director of the Goldman Prize, echoed these comments: “Berta’s bravery in the face of overwhelming repression will be a rallying call for environmental activism in Honduras,” he said in a statement.

Naomi Klein, the Canadian author and environmental campaigner, tweeted: “Devastating news. Berta was a critical leader and fierce land defender. Part of a global wave of such attacks.”

 


 

Take action: Demand justice for Berta NOW!

Jonathan Watts is the Latin America Correspondent for the Guardian.

This article was originally published by the Guardian and is republished here via the Guardian Environment Network. some additional reporting by The Ecologist.

 

Resisting the corporate stranglehold on food and farming – is agroecology enough?

It is becoming increasingly apparent that food and agriculture across the world is in crisis.

Food is becoming denutrified, unhealthy and poisoned with chemicals and diets are becoming less diverse.

There is a loss of plant and insect diversity, which threatens food security, soils are being degraded, water tables polluted and depleted and smallholder farmers, so vital to global food production, are being squeezed off their land and out of farming.

A minority of the global population has access to so much food than it can afford to waste much of it, while food poverty and inequality have become a fact of life for hundreds of millions.

This crisis stems from food and agriculture being wedded to power structures that serve the interests of the powerful agribusiness corporations in the Western countries, especially the US.

Over the last 60 years or so, Washington’s plan has been to restructure indigenous agriculture across the world. And this plan has been geopolitical in nature: subjugating nations by getting them to rely more on US imports and grow less of their own food. What happened in Mexico under the banner of ‘free trade’ is outlined further on in this article.

Food and farming a wholly owned subsidiary of global finance?

Agriculture and food production and distribution have become globalised and tied to an international system of trade based on export-oriented mono-cropping, commodity production for the international market, indebtedness to international financial institutions (IMF/World Bank) and the need for nations to boost foreign exchange (US dollar) reserves to repay debt (which neatly boosts demand for the dollar, the lynch pin of US global dominance).

This has resulted in food surplus and food deficit areas, of which the latter have become dependent on (US) agricultural imports and strings-attached aid. Food deficits in the global South mirror food surpluses in the West.

Whether through IMF-World Bank structural adjustment programmes related to debt repayment, as occurred in Africa, bilateral trade agreements like NAFTA and its impact on Mexico or, more generally, deregulated global trade rules, the outcome has been similar: the devastation of traditional, indigenous agriculture.

Integral to all of this has been the imposition of the ‘Green Revolution’. Farmers were encouraged to purchase seeds from corporations that were dependent on petrochemical fertilisers and pesticides to boost yields. They required loans to purchase these corporate inputs and governments borrowed to finance irrigation and dam building projects for what was a water-intensive model.

False promises – but cares? Other than the victims

While the Green Revolution was sold to governments and farmers on the basis it would increase productivity and earnings and would be more efficient, we are now in a position to see that it served to incorporate nations and farmers into a system of international capitalism based on dependency, deregulated and manipulated commodity markets, unfair subsidies and inherent food insecurity.

As part of a wider ‘development’ plan for the global South, millions of farmers have been forced out of agriculture to become cheap factory labour (for outsourced units from the West) or, as is increasingly the case, unemployed or underemployed slum dwellers.

And many of those who remain in agriculture find themselves being steadily squeezed out as farming becomes increasingly financially non-viable due to falling incomes, the impact cheap subsidised imports and policies deliberately designed to run down smallholder agriculture.

Aside from the geopolitical shift in favour of the Western nations resulting from the programmed destruction of traditional agriculture, the corporate-controlled, chemical-laden green revolution has adversely impacted the nature of food, soil, human health and the environment.

Sold on the promise of increased yields, this has been overstated. And the often stated ‘humanitarian’ intent and outcome (‘millions of lives saved’) has had more to do with PR rather than the reality of cold commercial interest.

Moreover, if internationally farmers found themselves beholden to a US centric system of trade and agriculture, at home they were also having to cater to the needs of a distant and expanding urban population whose food needs were different to local rural-based communities. In addition to a focus on export oriented farming, crops were being grown for the urban market, regardless of farmers’ needs or the dietary requirements of local rural markets.

Green revolution – deconstructing farm sustainability

In an open letter written in 2006 to policy makers in India, farmer and campaigner Bhaskar Save summarised some of the impacts of green revolution farming in India.

He argued that the actual reason for pushing the green revolution was the much narrower goal of increasing marketable surplus of a few relatively less perishable cereals to fuel the urban-industrial expansion favoured by the government and a few industries at the expense of a more diverse and nutrient-sufficient agriculture, which rural folk – who make up the bulk of India’s population – had long benefited from.

Before, Indian farmers had been largely self-sufficient and even produced surpluses, though generally smaller quantities of many more items. These, particularly perishables, were tougher to supply urban markets. And so the nation’s farmers were steered to grow chemically cultivated monocultures of a few cash-crops like wheat, rice, or sugar, rather than their traditional polycultures that needed no purchased inputs.

Tall, indigenous varieties of grain provided more biomass, shaded the soil from the sun and protected against its erosion under heavy monsoon rains, but these very replaced with dwarf varieties, which led to more vigorous growth of weeds and were able to compete successfully with the new stunted crops for sunlight.

As a result, the farmer had to spend more labour and money in weeding, or spraying herbicides. Moreover, straw growth with the dwarf grain crops fell and much less organic matter was locally available to recycle the fertility of the soil, leading to an artificial need for externally procured inputs. Inevitably, the farmers resorted to use more chemicals and soil degradation and erosion set in.

The exotic varieties, grown with chemical fertilisers, were more susceptible to ‘pests and diseases’, leading to yet more chemicals being poured. But the attacked insect species developed resistance and reproduced prolifically. Their predators – spiders, frogs, etc. – that fed on these insects and controlled their populations were exterminated. So were many beneficial species like the earthworms and bees.

Creating artificial drought in a land of rain

Save noted that India, next to South America, receives the highest rainfall in the world. Where thick vegetation covers the ground, the soil is alive and porous and at least half of the rain is soaked and stored in the soil and sub-soil strata.

A good amount then percolates deeper to recharge aquifers or groundwater tables. The living soil and its underlying aquifers thus serve as gigantic, ready-made reservoirs. Half a century ago, most parts of India had enough fresh water all year round, long after the rains had stopped and gone. But clear the forests, and the capacity of the earth to soak the rain, drops drastically. Streams and wells run dry.

While the recharge of groundwater has greatly reduced, its extraction has been mounting. India is presently mining over 20 times more groundwater each day than it did in 1950. But most of India’s people – living on hand-drawn or hand-pumped water in villages, and practising only rain-fed farming – continue to use the same amount of ground water per person, as they did generations ago.

More than 80% of India’s water consumption is for irrigation, with the largest share hogged by chemically cultivated cash crops. For example, one acre of chemically grown sugarcane requires as much water as would suffice 25 acres of jowar, bajra or maize. The sugar factories too consume huge quantities.

From cultivation to processing, each kilo of refined sugar needs two to three tonnes of water. Save argued this could be used to grow, by the traditional, organic way, about 150 to 200 kg of nutritious jowar or bajra (native millets).

The colonisation of Mexico by US agribusiness

If Bhaskar Save helped open people’s eyes to what has happened on the farm and to ecology as a result of the green revolution, a 2015 report by GRAIN provides a wider overview of how US agribusiness has hijacked an entire nation’s food and agriculture under the banner of ‘free trade’ to the detriment of the environment, health and farmers.

In 2012, Mexico’s National Institute for Public Health released the results of a national survey of food security and nutrition. Between 1988 and 2012, the proportion of overweight women between the ages of 20 and 49 increased from 25% to 35% and the number of obese women in this age group increased from 9% to 37%.

Some 29% of Mexican children between the ages of 5 and 11 were found to be overweight, as were 35% of youngsters between 11 and 19, while one in 10 school age children suffered from anaemia. The Mexican Diabetes Federation says that more than 7% of the Mexican population has diabetes. Diabetes is now the third most common cause of death in Mexico, directly or indirectly.

The various free trade agreements that Mexico has signed over the past two decades have had a profound impact on the country’s food system and people’s health. After his mission to Mexico in 2012, the then Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, Olivier De Schutter, concluded that the trade policies in place favour greater reliance on heavily processed and refined foods with a long shelf life rather than on the consumption of fresh and more perishable foods, particularly fruit and vegetables.

He added that the overweight and obesity emergency that Mexico is facing could have been avoided, or largely mitigated, if the health concerns linked to shifting diets had been integrated into the design of those policies.

NAFTA and the all-American obesity diet

The North America Free Trade Agreement led to the direct investment in food processing and a change in the retail structure (notably the advent of supermarkets and convenience stores) as well as the emergence of global agribusiness and transnational food companies in Mexico.

The country has witnessed an explosive growth of chain supermarkets, discounters and convenience stores. Local small-scale vendors have been replaced by corporate retailers that offer the processed food companies greater opportunities for sales and profits. Oxxo (owned by Coca-cola subsidiary Femsa) tripled its stores to 3,500 between 1999 and 2004. It was scheduled to open its 14,000th store sometime during 2015.

De Schutter believes a programme that deals effectively with hunger and malnutrition has to focus on Mexico’s small farmers and peasants. They constitute a substantial percentage of the country’s poor and are the ones that can best supply both rural and urban populations with nutritious foods.

Mexico could recover its self-sufficiency in food if there were to be official support for peasant agriculture backed with amounts comparable to the support granted to the big corporations.

In Mexico, the loss of food sovereignty has induced catastrophic changes in the nation’s diet and has had dire consequences for agricultural workers who lost their jobs and for the nation in general. Those who have benefited include US food and agribusiness interests, drugcartels and US banks and arms manufacturers.

The writing is on the wall for other countries because what happened in Mexico is being played out across the world under the banner of ‘free trade’.

GMOs a bogus techno quick-fix to further benefit global agribusiness

Transnational agribusiness has lobbied for, directed and profited from the very policies that have caused the agrarian/food crisis. And what we now see is these corporations (and their supporters) espousing cynical and fake concern for the plight of the poor and hungry (and the environment which they have done so much to degrade), and offering more (second or third generation …

We have lost count) chemicals and corporate-patented GM wonder seeds to supposedly ‘solve’ the problem of world hunger. GM represents the final stranglehold of transnational agribusiness over the control of seeds and food.

The misrepresentation of the plight of the indigenous edible oils sector in India encapsulates the duplicity at work surrounding GM. After trade rules and cheap imports conspired to destroy farmers and the jobs of people involved in local food processing activities for the benefit of global agribusiness, including commodity trading and food processer companies ADM and Cargill, the same companies are now leading a campaign to force GM into India on the basis that Indian agriculture is unproductive and thus the country has to rely on imports.

This conveniently ignores the fact that prior to neoliberal trade rules in the mid-1990s, India was almost self-sufficient in edible oils.

In collusion with the Gates Foundation, these corporate interests are now seeking to secure full spectrum dominance throughout much of Africa as well. Western seed, fertiliser and pesticide manufacturers and dealers and food processing companies are in the process of securing changes to legislation and are building up logistics and infrastructure to allow them to recast food and farming in their own images.

Governments conspire with corporates against their own farmers

Today, governments continue to collude with big agribusiness corporations, which seek to eradicate the small farmer and subject countries to the vagaries of rigged global markets. Agritech corporations are being allowed to shape government policy by being granted a strategic role in trade negotiations and are increasingly framing the policy / knowledge agenda by funding and determining the nature of research carried out in public universities and institutes.

As Bhaskar Save wrote: “This country has more than 150 agricultural universities. But every year, each churns out several hundred ‘educated’ unemployables, trained only in misguiding farmers and spreading ecological degradation. In all the six years a student spends for an M.Sc. in agriculture, the only goal is short-term – and narrowly perceived – ‘productivity’.

“For this, the farmer is urged to do and buy a hundred things. But not a thought is spared to what a farmer must never do so that the land remains unharmed for future generations and other creatures. It is time our people and government wake up to the realisation that this industry-driven way of farming – promoted by our institutions – is inherently criminal and suicidal!”

At the end of the above quote, Save is referring to the near 300,000 farmer suicides that have taken place in India over the past two decades due to economic distress resulting from debt, a shift to (GM)cash crops and economic ‘liberalisation’(see this report about a peer-reviewed study, which directly links suicides to GM cotton).

The current global system of chemical-industrial agriculture, World Trade Organisation rules and bilateral trade agreements that agritech companies helped draw up for their benefit are a major cause of structural hunger, poverty, illness and environmental destruction. By its very design, the system is parasitical.

Agroecology as a credible force for change

Across the world, we are seeing farmers and communities continuing to resist the corporate takeover of seeds, soils, water and food. And we are also witnessing inspiring stories about the successes of agroecology: a model of agriculture based on traditional knowledge and modern agricultural research utilising elements of contemporary ecology, soil biology and the biological control of pests.

Reflecting what Bhaskar Save achieved on his farm in Gujarat, the system combines sound ecological management, including minimising the use of toxic inputs, by using on-farm renewable resources and privileging endogenous solutions to manage pests and disease, with an approach that upholds and secures farmers’ livelihoods.

Agroecology is based on scientific research grounded in the natural sciences but marries this with farmer-generated knowledge and grassroots participation that challenges top-down approaches to research and policy making.

It can also involve moving beyond the dynamics of the farm itself to become part of a wider agenda, which addresses the broader political and economic issues that impact farmers and agriculture (see this description of the various modes of thought that underpin agroecolgy).

Last year the Oakland Institute released a report on 33 case studies which highlighted the success of agroecological agriculture across Africa in the face of climate change, hunger and poverty. The studies provide facts and figures on how agricultural transformation can yield immense economic, social, and food security benefits while ensuring climate justice and restoring soils and the environment.

The research highlights the multiple benefits of agroecology, including affordable and sustainable ways to boost agricultural yields while increasing farmers’ incomes, food security and resilience.

The report described how agroecology uses a wide variety of techniques and practices, including plant diversification, intercropping, the application of mulch, manure or compost for soil fertility, the natural management of pests and diseases, agroforestry and the construction of water management structures.

The way, the truth and the life

There are many other examples of successful agroecology and of farmers abandoning Green Revolution thought and practices to embrace it (see this report about El Salvador and this this interview from South India).

Various official reports have argued that to feed the hungry and secure food security in low income regions we need to support small farms and diverse, sustainable agro-ecological methods of farming and strengthen local food economies (see this report by the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to food and this (IAASTD) peer-reviewed report).

Olivier De Schutter, former UN Special Rapporteur on the right to food: “To feed 9 billion people in 2050, we urgently need to adopt the most efficient farming techniques available. Today’s scientific evidence demonstrates that agroecological methods outperform the use of chemical fertilizers in boosting food production where the hungry live, especially in unfavorable environments.”

De Schutter’s report indicated that small-scale farmers can double food production within 10 years in critical regions by using ecological methods. Based on an extensive review of the recent scientific literature, the study calls for a fundamental shift towards agroecology as a way to boost food production and improve the situation of the poorest. The report calls on states to implement a fundamental shift towards agroecology.

The success stories of agroecology indicate what can be achieved when development is placed firmly in the hands of farmers themselves. The expansion of agroecological practices can generate a rapid, fair and inclusive development that can be sustained for future generations. This model entails policies and activities that come from the bottom-up and which the state must invest in and facilitate.

Proponents of agroecology appreciate that a decentralised system of domestic food production with access to local rural markets supported by proper roads, storage and other infrastructure must take priority ahead of exploitative international markets dominated and designed to serve the needs of global capital.

More sustainable, more productive

Small farms are per area more productive than large-scale industrial farms and create a more resilient, diverse food system. If policy makers were to prioritise this sector and promote agroecology to the extent ‘green revolution’ practices and technology have been pushed, many of the problems surrounding poverty, unemployment, rising population and urban migration could be solved.

While many argue in favour of agroecology and regard it as a strategy for radical social change, some are happier for it to bring certain benefits to farmers and local communities and see nothing wrong with it being integrated within a globalised system of capitalism that continues to centralise power and generally serve the interests of the global seed, food processing and retail players.

And that is the danger: a model of agriculture with so much potential being incorporated into a corrupt system designed to suit the needs of these corporate interests. But there is only so much that can be achieved at grass-root level by ordinary people, often facilitated by non-governmental agencies.

As long as politicians at national and regional levels are co-opted by the US and its corporations, seeds will continue to be appropriated, lands taken, water diverted, legislation enacted, research institutes funded and policy devised to benefit global agribusiness.

And that’s something that only a broad-based, global movement of peoples, spanning continents and nations, countryside and cities, farmers and consumers, can take on with assurance of ultimate victory.

 


 

Colin Todhunter is an extensively published independent writer and former social policy researcher, based in the UK and India.

Support Colin’s work here.

This article is was originally published on Colin’s website.

 

 

Vets – rethink your support for English badger culls!

In January of this year, the British Veterinary Association (BVA) launched its long-anticipated Animal Welfare Strategy.

The strategy places animal welfare advocacy at the centre of veterinary responsibility, recognises that veterinary surgeons should be advocates for the welfare of all animals (not just those committed to their care).

It also emphasises the need for the profession to pursue ultimate, rather than just proximate, welfare solutions.

At its core are six priority areas including animal welfare assessment; ethics; legislation; advocacy; education. And five animal welfare needs: suitable environment; suitable diet; to be able to exhibit normal behaviour patterns; to be housed with, or apart from, other animals; and to be protected from pain, suffering, injury and disease

      These principles might seem intuitive. Most people would probably assume that a concern for the welfare of animals has always been at the heart of anyone’s decision to pursue a veterinary career. Yet it seems to have taken the BVA a long time to finally recognise that animal welfare should be the profession’s bread and butter.

      No matter. The principles of the strategy are very welcome, and the BVA and its current President are to be congratulated on its development and publication.

      Now: time to re-evaluate polices – including the badger cull!

      What is now urgently needed is a re-evaluation of the BVA’s positions and policies through the lens of the Animal Welfare Strategy, in order to put these fine principles into practice.

      The BVA’s longstanding support for the unscientific, ineffective, inhumane and unnecessary culling of badgers as part of the government’s strategy for dealing with bovine tuberculosis would seem a good place to start.

      Almost 4,000 badgers have been killed under license over the past three years across three culling zones in parts of Gloucestershire, Somerset and Dorset. Hardly any of these animals have been tested for bovine TB, so we have no idea whether they actually posed any risk to cattle.

      The culls have been haphazard and protracted, rendering any use of data from previous scientific trials to determine the impacts of badger culls on TB in cattle useless in terms of predicting likely outcomes.

      So-called ‘controlled shooting’ (shooting free-roaming badgers attracted to bait points at night) failed to meet even the most ‘generous’ of humaneness criteria set by a government-appointed panel of experts.

      In spite of all this, 29 additional applications for culling licenses are currently being considered by Natural England. If approved, they could cause tens of thousands more badgers to be killed in the coming years.

      So, BVA, how does that fit with ‘protection from pain, suffering, injury and disease’

      Before vets or their professional bodies consider supporting wildlife interventions, particularly those that will clearly cause individual animal suffering and serious disruption to social cohesion, they should, as a minimum:

      • Be absolutely certain of substantive and guaranteed benefits from the intervention;
      • Be sure there are no less harmful alternatives;
      • Ensure that the intervention is conducted using only the most humane methods available; and
      • Be certain that there will be no other consequences resulting from the intervention, such as increased persecution, that would cause additional suffering.

      The government-licensed badger culls fail to meet any of the above criteria. As such, vets and their professional bodies such as the BVA have absolutely no business supporting them.

      The BVA’s Animal Welfare Strategy takes away the excuse that vets only need to be concerned about animals ‘committed to their care’ (ie those that they are being paid to look after).

      The success of the strategy, and public trust in the profession’s claimed animal welfare credentials, will be determined by how effectively and robustly it is implemented.

       


       

      Mark Jones is Programmes Manager at the Born Free Foundation in the UK. He tweets @fishvetmj

      This article is based on one originally published on Huffington Post and is republished here by kind permission of the author.

       

LIGHT Act? Democrat senators’ new GMO label law

A new bill has been introduced to the US Senate to ensure that consumers can find GMO ingredient labeling on food packaging, while ensuring food producers are not subject to confusing or conflicting labeling requirements in different states.

The new legislation presents an alternative to the so-called ‘Deny Americans the Right to Know’ or DARK Act – a bill just approved by the Senate Agriculture Committee that would hide GM ingredient information from consumers by overturning state GMO labeling laws.

The Biotechnology Food Labeling Uniformity bill was introduced by four Democrat senators: Oregon’s Senator Jeff Merkley; Vermont Senators Patrick Leahy and Jon Tester; and California’s Dianne Feinstein.

“Rather than blocking consumers’ access to information they want, the US Senate should move forward with a solution that works for businesses and consumers alike”, said Merkley, the top Democrat on the Senate Agriculture Appropriations Subcommittee.

“There is a way to give consumers the information they are asking for without placing unfair or conflicting requirements on food producers. This legislation provides the common-sense pathway forward.”

Telling consumers what they want to know

The Biotechnology Food Labeling and Uniformity Act would allow American consumers to see whether a food has been prepared with GM ingredients, while offering food manufacturers several options for including this information on or near the ingredients list.

This framework meets the needs of consumers, the vast majority of whom support labeling according to polls, and producers, who worry that a patchwork of state labeling laws would be costly and difficult to comply with and confusing for consumers.    

Specifically, the Biotechnology Food Labeling Uniformity Act would amend the Food Drug and Cosmetic Act to require manufacturers to disclose the presence of GM ingredients on the Nutrition Fact Panel in one of four ways:

1. Manufacturers may use a parenthesis following the relevant ingredient to indicate that this ingredient is ‘Genetically Engineered’.

2. Manufacturers may identify GM ingredients with an asterisk and provide an explanation at the bottom of the ingredients list.

3. Manufacturers may simply apply a catch all statement at the end of the ingredient list stating the product was ‘produced with genetic engineering’.

4. The FDA would have the authority to develop a symbol, in consultation with food manufacturers, that would clearly and conspicuously disclose the presence of GM ingredients on packaging. 

None of these options would require front panel disclosures or ‘warning’ statements intending to disparage GM ingredients.

Regulatory certainty for manufacturers

In addition to providing concrete disclosure options, today’s GMO labeling bill would also provide regulatory certainty to national food manufacturers.

This legislative proposal represents a uniform Federal GM labeling standard with sufficient flexibility to suit manufacturing operations of various sizes and markets, while also giving national manufacturers in compliance with the federal standard safe harbor from the potential patchwork of state laws.  

Through this proposal, interested consumers have the ability to find clear information about GM ingredients written directly on the product label when making food purchasing decisions, and food producers have regulatory certainty in complying with a single GMO labeling standard.

“This bill is an important step forward to give consumers a uniform national mandatory label, and it seeks to address the needs of food producers by giving them a suite of options to comply with a mandatory national label”, said Leahy, a current member and former chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee, adding:

“I believe that until a national mandatory label like this is enacted, Congress should not preempt state laws, like Vermont’s Act 120.”

Progressive manufacturers and consumer advocates support the bill

The legislation is endorsed by Amy’s Kitchen, Ben and Jerry’s, Campbell’s Soup Company, Consumers Union, Just Label It, and Nature’s Path.

“The legislation reflects Campbell’s support for mandatory national standards for labeling of foods made with GMOs”, said Kelly D. Johnston, Vice President of Government Affairs for Campbell Soup Company. “We applaud Senator Jeff Merkley and his colleagues for responding to consumers’ desire for the information they seek in a consistent and transparent manner.”

Likewise Gary Hirshberg, Chairman of Just Label It and Chairman of Stonyfield Farms: “As a businessman, I know the value of transparency and trust. Consumers are demanding the right to know more about their food and how it’s grown, and so far, the response from Congress and many companies has been to keep them in the dark.

“I believe Senator Merkley’s bill is the kind of proposal that could bridge the divide between consumers and food companies on the issue of GMO labeling. This bill will give consumers the information they want, while allowing manufacturers the flexibility they say they need to implement mandatory, on-package labeling.”

Jean Halloran, director of food policy initiatives for Consumers Union, said: “This is what real disclosure looks like. This bill finds a way to set a national standard and avoid a patchwork of state labeling laws while still giving consumers the information they want and deserve about what’s in their food.

“This compromise offers food companies different labeling options and ensures that all consumers – no matter where they are in the country or whether they own a smartphone – have the information they overwhelmingly say they want. We urge Senators to support this proposal as they move forward on GMO labeling legislation.”

Senator Tester, a farmer from Big Sandy, Montana, concluded: “American consumers have been asking for this information and this bill strikes a reasonable balance that will deliver it. Transparency in food labeling strengthens our families and communities, and ensures consumers aren’t left in the dark.” 

 


 

Principal source: Senator Jeff Merkley.

 

LIGHT Act? Democrat senators’ new GMO label law

A new bill has been introduced to the US Senate to ensure that consumers can find GMO ingredient labeling on food packaging, while ensuring food producers are not subject to confusing or conflicting labeling requirements in different states.

The new legislation presents an alternative to the so-called ‘Deny Americans the Right to Know’ or DARK Act – a bill just approved by the Senate Agriculture Committee that would hide GM ingredient information from consumers by overturning state GMO labeling laws.

The Biotechnology Food Labeling Uniformity bill was introduced by four Democrat senators: Oregon’s Senator Jeff Merkley; Vermont Senators Patrick Leahy and Jon Tester; and California’s Dianne Feinstein.

“Rather than blocking consumers’ access to information they want, the US Senate should move forward with a solution that works for businesses and consumers alike”, said Merkley, the top Democrat on the Senate Agriculture Appropriations Subcommittee.

“There is a way to give consumers the information they are asking for without placing unfair or conflicting requirements on food producers. This legislation provides the common-sense pathway forward.”

Telling consumers what they want to know

The Biotechnology Food Labeling and Uniformity Act would allow American consumers to see whether a food has been prepared with GM ingredients, while offering food manufacturers several options for including this information on or near the ingredients list.

This framework meets the needs of consumers, the vast majority of whom support labeling according to polls, and producers, who worry that a patchwork of state labeling laws would be costly and difficult to comply with and confusing for consumers.    

Specifically, the Biotechnology Food Labeling Uniformity Act would amend the Food Drug and Cosmetic Act to require manufacturers to disclose the presence of GM ingredients on the Nutrition Fact Panel in one of four ways:

1. Manufacturers may use a parenthesis following the relevant ingredient to indicate that this ingredient is ‘Genetically Engineered’.

2. Manufacturers may identify GM ingredients with an asterisk and provide an explanation at the bottom of the ingredients list.

3. Manufacturers may simply apply a catch all statement at the end of the ingredient list stating the product was ‘produced with genetic engineering’.

4. The FDA would have the authority to develop a symbol, in consultation with food manufacturers, that would clearly and conspicuously disclose the presence of GM ingredients on packaging. 

None of these options would require front panel disclosures or ‘warning’ statements intending to disparage GM ingredients.

Regulatory certainty for manufacturers

In addition to providing concrete disclosure options, today’s GMO labeling bill would also provide regulatory certainty to national food manufacturers.

This legislative proposal represents a uniform Federal GM labeling standard with sufficient flexibility to suit manufacturing operations of various sizes and markets, while also giving national manufacturers in compliance with the federal standard safe harbor from the potential patchwork of state laws.  

Through this proposal, interested consumers have the ability to find clear information about GM ingredients written directly on the product label when making food purchasing decisions, and food producers have regulatory certainty in complying with a single GMO labeling standard.

“This bill is an important step forward to give consumers a uniform national mandatory label, and it seeks to address the needs of food producers by giving them a suite of options to comply with a mandatory national label”, said Leahy, a current member and former chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee, adding:

“I believe that until a national mandatory label like this is enacted, Congress should not preempt state laws, like Vermont’s Act 120.”

Progressive manufacturers and consumer advocates support the bill

The legislation is endorsed by Amy’s Kitchen, Ben and Jerry’s, Campbell’s Soup Company, Consumers Union, Just Label It, and Nature’s Path.

“The legislation reflects Campbell’s support for mandatory national standards for labeling of foods made with GMOs”, said Kelly D. Johnston, Vice President of Government Affairs for Campbell Soup Company. “We applaud Senator Jeff Merkley and his colleagues for responding to consumers’ desire for the information they seek in a consistent and transparent manner.”

Likewise Gary Hirshberg, Chairman of Just Label It and Chairman of Stonyfield Farms: “As a businessman, I know the value of transparency and trust. Consumers are demanding the right to know more about their food and how it’s grown, and so far, the response from Congress and many companies has been to keep them in the dark.

“I believe Senator Merkley’s bill is the kind of proposal that could bridge the divide between consumers and food companies on the issue of GMO labeling. This bill will give consumers the information they want, while allowing manufacturers the flexibility they say they need to implement mandatory, on-package labeling.”

Jean Halloran, director of food policy initiatives for Consumers Union, said: “This is what real disclosure looks like. This bill finds a way to set a national standard and avoid a patchwork of state labeling laws while still giving consumers the information they want and deserve about what’s in their food.

“This compromise offers food companies different labeling options and ensures that all consumers – no matter where they are in the country or whether they own a smartphone – have the information they overwhelmingly say they want. We urge Senators to support this proposal as they move forward on GMO labeling legislation.”

Senator Tester, a farmer from Big Sandy, Montana, concluded: “American consumers have been asking for this information and this bill strikes a reasonable balance that will deliver it. Transparency in food labeling strengthens our families and communities, and ensures consumers aren’t left in the dark.” 

 


 

Principal source: Senator Jeff Merkley.

 

LIGHT Act? Democrat senators’ new GMO label law

A new bill has been introduced to the US Senate to ensure that consumers can find GMO ingredient labeling on food packaging, while ensuring food producers are not subject to confusing or conflicting labeling requirements in different states.

The new legislation presents an alternative to the so-called ‘Deny Americans the Right to Know’ or DARK Act – a bill just approved by the Senate Agriculture Committee that would hide GM ingredient information from consumers by overturning state GMO labeling laws.

The Biotechnology Food Labeling Uniformity bill was introduced by four Democrat senators: Oregon’s Senator Jeff Merkley; Vermont Senators Patrick Leahy and Jon Tester; and California’s Dianne Feinstein.

“Rather than blocking consumers’ access to information they want, the US Senate should move forward with a solution that works for businesses and consumers alike”, said Merkley, the top Democrat on the Senate Agriculture Appropriations Subcommittee.

“There is a way to give consumers the information they are asking for without placing unfair or conflicting requirements on food producers. This legislation provides the common-sense pathway forward.”

Telling consumers what they want to know

The Biotechnology Food Labeling and Uniformity Act would allow American consumers to see whether a food has been prepared with GM ingredients, while offering food manufacturers several options for including this information on or near the ingredients list.

This framework meets the needs of consumers, the vast majority of whom support labeling according to polls, and producers, who worry that a patchwork of state labeling laws would be costly and difficult to comply with and confusing for consumers.    

Specifically, the Biotechnology Food Labeling Uniformity Act would amend the Food Drug and Cosmetic Act to require manufacturers to disclose the presence of GM ingredients on the Nutrition Fact Panel in one of four ways:

1. Manufacturers may use a parenthesis following the relevant ingredient to indicate that this ingredient is ‘Genetically Engineered’.

2. Manufacturers may identify GM ingredients with an asterisk and provide an explanation at the bottom of the ingredients list.

3. Manufacturers may simply apply a catch all statement at the end of the ingredient list stating the product was ‘produced with genetic engineering’.

4. The FDA would have the authority to develop a symbol, in consultation with food manufacturers, that would clearly and conspicuously disclose the presence of GM ingredients on packaging. 

None of these options would require front panel disclosures or ‘warning’ statements intending to disparage GM ingredients.

Regulatory certainty for manufacturers

In addition to providing concrete disclosure options, today’s GMO labeling bill would also provide regulatory certainty to national food manufacturers.

This legislative proposal represents a uniform Federal GM labeling standard with sufficient flexibility to suit manufacturing operations of various sizes and markets, while also giving national manufacturers in compliance with the federal standard safe harbor from the potential patchwork of state laws.  

Through this proposal, interested consumers have the ability to find clear information about GM ingredients written directly on the product label when making food purchasing decisions, and food producers have regulatory certainty in complying with a single GMO labeling standard.

“This bill is an important step forward to give consumers a uniform national mandatory label, and it seeks to address the needs of food producers by giving them a suite of options to comply with a mandatory national label”, said Leahy, a current member and former chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee, adding:

“I believe that until a national mandatory label like this is enacted, Congress should not preempt state laws, like Vermont’s Act 120.”

Progressive manufacturers and consumer advocates support the bill

The legislation is endorsed by Amy’s Kitchen, Ben and Jerry’s, Campbell’s Soup Company, Consumers Union, Just Label It, and Nature’s Path.

“The legislation reflects Campbell’s support for mandatory national standards for labeling of foods made with GMOs”, said Kelly D. Johnston, Vice President of Government Affairs for Campbell Soup Company. “We applaud Senator Jeff Merkley and his colleagues for responding to consumers’ desire for the information they seek in a consistent and transparent manner.”

Likewise Gary Hirshberg, Chairman of Just Label It and Chairman of Stonyfield Farms: “As a businessman, I know the value of transparency and trust. Consumers are demanding the right to know more about their food and how it’s grown, and so far, the response from Congress and many companies has been to keep them in the dark.

“I believe Senator Merkley’s bill is the kind of proposal that could bridge the divide between consumers and food companies on the issue of GMO labeling. This bill will give consumers the information they want, while allowing manufacturers the flexibility they say they need to implement mandatory, on-package labeling.”

Jean Halloran, director of food policy initiatives for Consumers Union, said: “This is what real disclosure looks like. This bill finds a way to set a national standard and avoid a patchwork of state labeling laws while still giving consumers the information they want and deserve about what’s in their food.

“This compromise offers food companies different labeling options and ensures that all consumers – no matter where they are in the country or whether they own a smartphone – have the information they overwhelmingly say they want. We urge Senators to support this proposal as they move forward on GMO labeling legislation.”

Senator Tester, a farmer from Big Sandy, Montana, concluded: “American consumers have been asking for this information and this bill strikes a reasonable balance that will deliver it. Transparency in food labeling strengthens our families and communities, and ensures consumers aren’t left in the dark.” 

 


 

Principal source: Senator Jeff Merkley.