Monthly Archives: April 2016

India’s ‘shoot on sight’ conservation terrorises indigenous communities

Kaziranga National Park in northeastern India recently hosted Prince William and Kate, and is famous across India for its tigers, its one-horned rhinos – and its ruthless ‘shoot to kill’ rule for suspected poachers.

Under this policy, anyone park guards suspect of poaching can be immediately shot: no trial, no jury, no judge or laws or charges.

Park guards are armed with assault weapons and are not only given legal impunity when they kill suspects, but are incentivized to do so with cash bonuses, according to Save the Rhino which opposes the policy.

To increase the guards’ reach, local people are apparently rewarded with money if they report people they suspect of poaching. This encourages snooping and local vendettas, and risks tearing communities apart.

There is no way of telling whether the people who end up being shot actually were poachers. Further, impunity allows the guards to shoot people on the merest suspicion they are planning to poach even if they haven’t actually done anything.

Nearby tribal peoples are losing their land to the reserve, and are increasingly intimidated by armed park guards. Many of them have been shot at, despite no evidence at all that they were involved in poaching, and in spite of having innocent reasons for wanting to enter the reserve, such as to retrieve cattle that had wandered just over the boundary limit.

Most of the poachers who have been found are from miles outside the area, according to the park director in a 2014 report, many from different states in India.

‘Open war’

There can be no doubt that the principal aim of Kaziranga’s ‘shoot to kill’ policy is to execute as many poachers as possible, without any involvement from outside legal authorities. Guards have a special dispensation which effectively puts them above the law, and are motivated to kill.

An acrostic featured in the park director’s report “SMART COMMUNICATION” features the lines “N: Never allow any unauthorized entry (kill the unwanted)” and “M: Must obey or get killed” – maxims which would seem extreme even in a military context, let alone one of wildlife conservation.

The report adds: “So far this year nine poachers have been killed, many arrested, and at least five poachers received fatal bullet injuries (and might have died elsewhere …) However, this is also not enough.” The aim is clearly to maximize casualties and execute as many suspected poachers as possible – without the need to find evidence of their involvement in poaching, arrest them, or put them on trial.

And all of this is taking place in a politically sensitive border region of India with a history of armed conflict and many tribal communities, who bear no responsibility for the endangerment of local wildlife by imperial British hunters and loss of habitat – but who are now being punished as part of an effort to limit the damage.

In the past decade, at least 62 people have been summarily executed under this policy. The man who oversaw it for nine years, Bishan Singh Bonal, who is now head of the Indian National Tiger Conservation Authority, described his time in charge as “open war” and has spoken about the heavy toll it took on his staff.

Nevertheless, he believes the policy to be justified, and it may well be coming soon to other parks and reserves in India. Inevitably, it will once again be innocent tribes who suffer as a result of this officially sanctioned brutality.

A serious human rights issue

The policy is not nearly as controversial as it should be. Extrajudicial execution, no matter how terrible the crime it is administered as punishment for, inevitably leads to knee-jerk violence and chaos in the areas where it takes place. It bypasses all judicial checks and balances and gives low-ranking authorities the power of life and death over fellow citizens.

Worse, it has serious implications for tribal peoples and the increasingly hard-line conservation authorities who are given power over their ancestral lands.

As far as many Indian conservationists are concerned, tribespeople are a nuisance, primitive people, likely to be involved in poaching and in direct conflict with wildlife. There is absolutely no reason to believe any of this. After all, tribespeople have lived peacefully alongside creatures like the tiger for generations and live far more sustainable lives than almost anyone in the industrialized world.

It was not tribes who decimated the population of the Bengal Tiger by hunting on a massive scale for sport. It is not tribes who are now powering the destruction of flora and fauna through extractive industries and urbanization.

Yet it is tribes who apparently must suffer the consequences of conservation policy: eviction, assault, and even death, as part of an effort to limit the damage.

The best guardians of the natural world

Of course poaching is a terrible crime. Endangered species and their habitats should be protected, and the criminal gangs who profit from the trade in their viciously procured body parts should be investigated, punished, and deterred. But to say that the solution to this problem is to have gangs of armed men patrolling the reserves and employing violence above the law is to go too far.

Conservationists should be working with local communities, not criminalizing them, stealing their land and claiming to know how to administer it better. They should certainly not be encouraging the liberal use of summary execution against often innocent people.

One Indian journalist has quipped that in the heat of the moment, park guards could not possibly know the difference between say, an environmental reporter doing their job, and a poacher stalking his prey. The policy is not only absurd, it is also deeply immoral.

This is an extremely emotive issue, but it has to be treated with a proper concern for human rights, especially for the rights of some of the most vulnerable peoples on Earth – tribes. We cannot allow our passion for conserving the environment, or the rage we feel on seeing a picture of a butchered rhino’s horn or dead tiger cub blind us to this.

At Survival, we hope that influential conservation patrons like Prince William will start to acknowledge the humanitarian side of conservation, and encourage Indian authorities to respect the rights of tribes.

 


 

Lewis Evans is a campaigner at Survival International, the global movement for tribal peoples’ rights.

 

India’s ‘shoot on sight’ conservation terrorises indigenous communities

Kaziranga National Park in northeastern India recently hosted Prince William and Kate, and is famous across India for its tigers, its one-horned rhinos – and its ruthless ‘shoot to kill’ rule for suspected poachers.

Under this policy, anyone park guards suspect of poaching can be immediately shot: no trial, no jury, no judge or laws or charges.

Park guards are armed with assault weapons and are not only given legal impunity when they kill suspects, but are incentivized to do so with cash bonuses, according to Save the Rhino which opposes the policy.

To increase the guards’ reach, local people are apparently rewarded with money if they report people they suspect of poaching. This encourages snooping and local vendettas, and risks tearing communities apart.

There is no way of telling whether the people who end up being shot actually were poachers. Further, impunity allows the guards to shoot people on the merest suspicion they are planning to poach even if they haven’t actually done anything.

Nearby tribal peoples are losing their land to the reserve, and are increasingly intimidated by armed park guards. Many of them have been shot at, despite no evidence at all that they were involved in poaching, and in spite of having innocent reasons for wanting to enter the reserve, such as to retrieve cattle that had wandered just over the boundary limit.

Most of the poachers who have been found are from miles outside the area, according to the park director in a 2014 report, many from different states in India.

‘Open war’

There can be no doubt that the principal aim of Kaziranga’s ‘shoot to kill’ policy is to execute as many poachers as possible, without any involvement from outside legal authorities. Guards have a special dispensation which effectively puts them above the law, and are motivated to kill.

An acrostic featured in the park director’s report “SMART COMMUNICATION” features the lines “N: Never allow any unauthorized entry (kill the unwanted)” and “M: Must obey or get killed” – maxims which would seem extreme even in a military context, let alone one of wildlife conservation.

The report adds: “So far this year nine poachers have been killed, many arrested, and at least five poachers received fatal bullet injuries (and might have died elsewhere …) However, this is also not enough.” The aim is clearly to maximize casualties and execute as many suspected poachers as possible – without the need to find evidence of their involvement in poaching, arrest them, or put them on trial.

And all of this is taking place in a politically sensitive border region of India with a history of armed conflict and many tribal communities, who bear no responsibility for the endangerment of local wildlife by imperial British hunters and loss of habitat – but who are now being punished as part of an effort to limit the damage.

In the past decade, at least 62 people have been summarily executed under this policy. The man who oversaw it for nine years, Bishan Singh Bonal, who is now head of the Indian National Tiger Conservation Authority, described his time in charge as “open war” and has spoken about the heavy toll it took on his staff.

Nevertheless, he believes the policy to be justified, and it may well be coming soon to other parks and reserves in India. Inevitably, it will once again be innocent tribes who suffer as a result of this officially sanctioned brutality.

A serious human rights issue

The policy is not nearly as controversial as it should be. Extrajudicial execution, no matter how terrible the crime it is administered as punishment for, inevitably leads to knee-jerk violence and chaos in the areas where it takes place. It bypasses all judicial checks and balances and gives low-ranking authorities the power of life and death over fellow citizens.

Worse, it has serious implications for tribal peoples and the increasingly hard-line conservation authorities who are given power over their ancestral lands.

As far as many Indian conservationists are concerned, tribespeople are a nuisance, primitive people, likely to be involved in poaching and in direct conflict with wildlife. There is absolutely no reason to believe any of this. After all, tribespeople have lived peacefully alongside creatures like the tiger for generations and live far more sustainable lives than almost anyone in the industrialized world.

It was not tribes who decimated the population of the Bengal Tiger by hunting on a massive scale for sport. It is not tribes who are now powering the destruction of flora and fauna through extractive industries and urbanization.

Yet it is tribes who apparently must suffer the consequences of conservation policy: eviction, assault, and even death, as part of an effort to limit the damage.

The best guardians of the natural world

Of course poaching is a terrible crime. Endangered species and their habitats should be protected, and the criminal gangs who profit from the trade in their viciously procured body parts should be investigated, punished, and deterred. But to say that the solution to this problem is to have gangs of armed men patrolling the reserves and employing violence above the law is to go too far.

Conservationists should be working with local communities, not criminalizing them, stealing their land and claiming to know how to administer it better. They should certainly not be encouraging the liberal use of summary execution against often innocent people.

One Indian journalist has quipped that in the heat of the moment, park guards could not possibly know the difference between say, an environmental reporter doing their job, and a poacher stalking his prey. The policy is not only absurd, it is also deeply immoral.

This is an extremely emotive issue, but it has to be treated with a proper concern for human rights, especially for the rights of some of the most vulnerable peoples on Earth – tribes. We cannot allow our passion for conserving the environment, or the rage we feel on seeing a picture of a butchered rhino’s horn or dead tiger cub blind us to this.

At Survival, we hope that influential conservation patrons like Prince William will start to acknowledge the humanitarian side of conservation, and encourage Indian authorities to respect the rights of tribes.

 


 

Lewis Evans is a campaigner at Survival International, the global movement for tribal peoples’ rights.

 

India’s ‘shoot on sight’ conservation terrorises indigenous communities

Kaziranga National Park in northeastern India recently hosted Prince William and Kate, and is famous across India for its tigers, its one-horned rhinos – and its ruthless ‘shoot to kill’ rule for suspected poachers.

Under this policy, anyone park guards suspect of poaching can be immediately shot: no trial, no jury, no judge or laws or charges.

Park guards are armed with assault weapons and are not only given legal impunity when they kill suspects, but are incentivized to do so with cash bonuses, according to Save the Rhino which opposes the policy.

To increase the guards’ reach, local people are apparently rewarded with money if they report people they suspect of poaching. This encourages snooping and local vendettas, and risks tearing communities apart.

There is no way of telling whether the people who end up being shot actually were poachers. Further, impunity allows the guards to shoot people on the merest suspicion they are planning to poach even if they haven’t actually done anything.

Nearby tribal peoples are losing their land to the reserve, and are increasingly intimidated by armed park guards. Many of them have been shot at, despite no evidence at all that they were involved in poaching, and in spite of having innocent reasons for wanting to enter the reserve, such as to retrieve cattle that had wandered just over the boundary limit.

Most of the poachers who have been found are from miles outside the area, according to the park director in a 2014 report, many from different states in India.

‘Open war’

There can be no doubt that the principal aim of Kaziranga’s ‘shoot to kill’ policy is to execute as many poachers as possible, without any involvement from outside legal authorities. Guards have a special dispensation which effectively puts them above the law, and are motivated to kill.

An acrostic featured in the park director’s report “SMART COMMUNICATION” features the lines “N: Never allow any unauthorized entry (kill the unwanted)” and “M: Must obey or get killed” – maxims which would seem extreme even in a military context, let alone one of wildlife conservation.

The report adds: “So far this year nine poachers have been killed, many arrested, and at least five poachers received fatal bullet injuries (and might have died elsewhere …) However, this is also not enough.” The aim is clearly to maximize casualties and execute as many suspected poachers as possible – without the need to find evidence of their involvement in poaching, arrest them, or put them on trial.

And all of this is taking place in a politically sensitive border region of India with a history of armed conflict and many tribal communities, who bear no responsibility for the endangerment of local wildlife by imperial British hunters and loss of habitat – but who are now being punished as part of an effort to limit the damage.

In the past decade, at least 62 people have been summarily executed under this policy. The man who oversaw it for nine years, Bishan Singh Bonal, who is now head of the Indian National Tiger Conservation Authority, described his time in charge as “open war” and has spoken about the heavy toll it took on his staff.

Nevertheless, he believes the policy to be justified, and it may well be coming soon to other parks and reserves in India. Inevitably, it will once again be innocent tribes who suffer as a result of this officially sanctioned brutality.

A serious human rights issue

The policy is not nearly as controversial as it should be. Extrajudicial execution, no matter how terrible the crime it is administered as punishment for, inevitably leads to knee-jerk violence and chaos in the areas where it takes place. It bypasses all judicial checks and balances and gives low-ranking authorities the power of life and death over fellow citizens.

Worse, it has serious implications for tribal peoples and the increasingly hard-line conservation authorities who are given power over their ancestral lands.

As far as many Indian conservationists are concerned, tribespeople are a nuisance, primitive people, likely to be involved in poaching and in direct conflict with wildlife. There is absolutely no reason to believe any of this. After all, tribespeople have lived peacefully alongside creatures like the tiger for generations and live far more sustainable lives than almost anyone in the industrialized world.

It was not tribes who decimated the population of the Bengal Tiger by hunting on a massive scale for sport. It is not tribes who are now powering the destruction of flora and fauna through extractive industries and urbanization.

Yet it is tribes who apparently must suffer the consequences of conservation policy: eviction, assault, and even death, as part of an effort to limit the damage.

The best guardians of the natural world

Of course poaching is a terrible crime. Endangered species and their habitats should be protected, and the criminal gangs who profit from the trade in their viciously procured body parts should be investigated, punished, and deterred. But to say that the solution to this problem is to have gangs of armed men patrolling the reserves and employing violence above the law is to go too far.

Conservationists should be working with local communities, not criminalizing them, stealing their land and claiming to know how to administer it better. They should certainly not be encouraging the liberal use of summary execution against often innocent people.

One Indian journalist has quipped that in the heat of the moment, park guards could not possibly know the difference between say, an environmental reporter doing their job, and a poacher stalking his prey. The policy is not only absurd, it is also deeply immoral.

This is an extremely emotive issue, but it has to be treated with a proper concern for human rights, especially for the rights of some of the most vulnerable peoples on Earth – tribes. We cannot allow our passion for conserving the environment, or the rage we feel on seeing a picture of a butchered rhino’s horn or dead tiger cub blind us to this.

At Survival, we hope that influential conservation patrons like Prince William will start to acknowledge the humanitarian side of conservation, and encourage Indian authorities to respect the rights of tribes.

 


 

Lewis Evans is a campaigner at Survival International, the global movement for tribal peoples’ rights.

 

India’s ‘shoot on sight’ conservation terrorises indigenous communities

Kaziranga National Park in northeastern India recently hosted Prince William and Kate, and is famous across India for its tigers, its one-horned rhinos – and its ruthless ‘shoot to kill’ rule for suspected poachers.

Under this policy, anyone park guards suspect of poaching can be immediately shot: no trial, no jury, no judge or laws or charges.

Park guards are armed with assault weapons and are not only given legal impunity when they kill suspects, but are incentivized to do so with cash bonuses, according to Save the Rhino which opposes the policy.

To increase the guards’ reach, local people are apparently rewarded with money if they report people they suspect of poaching. This encourages snooping and local vendettas, and risks tearing communities apart.

There is no way of telling whether the people who end up being shot actually were poachers. Further, impunity allows the guards to shoot people on the merest suspicion they are planning to poach even if they haven’t actually done anything.

Nearby tribal peoples are losing their land to the reserve, and are increasingly intimidated by armed park guards. Many of them have been shot at, despite no evidence at all that they were involved in poaching, and in spite of having innocent reasons for wanting to enter the reserve, such as to retrieve cattle that had wandered just over the boundary limit.

Most of the poachers who have been found are from miles outside the area, according to the park director in a 2014 report, many from different states in India.

‘Open war’

There can be no doubt that the principal aim of Kaziranga’s ‘shoot to kill’ policy is to execute as many poachers as possible, without any involvement from outside legal authorities. Guards have a special dispensation which effectively puts them above the law, and are motivated to kill.

An acrostic featured in the park director’s report “SMART COMMUNICATION” features the lines “N: Never allow any unauthorized entry (kill the unwanted)” and “M: Must obey or get killed” – maxims which would seem extreme even in a military context, let alone one of wildlife conservation.

The report adds: “So far this year nine poachers have been killed, many arrested, and at least five poachers received fatal bullet injuries (and might have died elsewhere …) However, this is also not enough.” The aim is clearly to maximize casualties and execute as many suspected poachers as possible – without the need to find evidence of their involvement in poaching, arrest them, or put them on trial.

And all of this is taking place in a politically sensitive border region of India with a history of armed conflict and many tribal communities, who bear no responsibility for the endangerment of local wildlife by imperial British hunters and loss of habitat – but who are now being punished as part of an effort to limit the damage.

In the past decade, at least 62 people have been summarily executed under this policy. The man who oversaw it for nine years, Bishan Singh Bonal, who is now head of the Indian National Tiger Conservation Authority, described his time in charge as “open war” and has spoken about the heavy toll it took on his staff.

Nevertheless, he believes the policy to be justified, and it may well be coming soon to other parks and reserves in India. Inevitably, it will once again be innocent tribes who suffer as a result of this officially sanctioned brutality.

A serious human rights issue

The policy is not nearly as controversial as it should be. Extrajudicial execution, no matter how terrible the crime it is administered as punishment for, inevitably leads to knee-jerk violence and chaos in the areas where it takes place. It bypasses all judicial checks and balances and gives low-ranking authorities the power of life and death over fellow citizens.

Worse, it has serious implications for tribal peoples and the increasingly hard-line conservation authorities who are given power over their ancestral lands.

As far as many Indian conservationists are concerned, tribespeople are a nuisance, primitive people, likely to be involved in poaching and in direct conflict with wildlife. There is absolutely no reason to believe any of this. After all, tribespeople have lived peacefully alongside creatures like the tiger for generations and live far more sustainable lives than almost anyone in the industrialized world.

It was not tribes who decimated the population of the Bengal Tiger by hunting on a massive scale for sport. It is not tribes who are now powering the destruction of flora and fauna through extractive industries and urbanization.

Yet it is tribes who apparently must suffer the consequences of conservation policy: eviction, assault, and even death, as part of an effort to limit the damage.

The best guardians of the natural world

Of course poaching is a terrible crime. Endangered species and their habitats should be protected, and the criminal gangs who profit from the trade in their viciously procured body parts should be investigated, punished, and deterred. But to say that the solution to this problem is to have gangs of armed men patrolling the reserves and employing violence above the law is to go too far.

Conservationists should be working with local communities, not criminalizing them, stealing their land and claiming to know how to administer it better. They should certainly not be encouraging the liberal use of summary execution against often innocent people.

One Indian journalist has quipped that in the heat of the moment, park guards could not possibly know the difference between say, an environmental reporter doing their job, and a poacher stalking his prey. The policy is not only absurd, it is also deeply immoral.

This is an extremely emotive issue, but it has to be treated with a proper concern for human rights, especially for the rights of some of the most vulnerable peoples on Earth – tribes. We cannot allow our passion for conserving the environment, or the rage we feel on seeing a picture of a butchered rhino’s horn or dead tiger cub blind us to this.

At Survival, we hope that influential conservation patrons like Prince William will start to acknowledge the humanitarian side of conservation, and encourage Indian authorities to respect the rights of tribes.

 


 

Lewis Evans is a campaigner at Survival International, the global movement for tribal peoples’ rights.

 

India’s ‘shoot on sight’ conservation terrorises indigenous communities

Kaziranga National Park in northeastern India recently hosted Prince William and Kate, and is famous across India for its tigers, its one-horned rhinos – and its ruthless ‘shoot to kill’ rule for suspected poachers.

Under this policy, anyone park guards suspect of poaching can be immediately shot: no trial, no jury, no judge or laws or charges.

Park guards are armed with assault weapons and are not only given legal impunity when they kill suspects, but are incentivized to do so with cash bonuses, according to Save the Rhino which opposes the policy.

To increase the guards’ reach, local people are apparently rewarded with money if they report people they suspect of poaching. This encourages snooping and local vendettas, and risks tearing communities apart.

There is no way of telling whether the people who end up being shot actually were poachers. Further, impunity allows the guards to shoot people on the merest suspicion they are planning to poach even if they haven’t actually done anything.

Nearby tribal peoples are losing their land to the reserve, and are increasingly intimidated by armed park guards. Many of them have been shot at, despite no evidence at all that they were involved in poaching, and in spite of having innocent reasons for wanting to enter the reserve, such as to retrieve cattle that had wandered just over the boundary limit.

Most of the poachers who have been found are from miles outside the area, according to the park director in a 2014 report, many from different states in India.

‘Open war’

There can be no doubt that the principal aim of Kaziranga’s ‘shoot to kill’ policy is to execute as many poachers as possible, without any involvement from outside legal authorities. Guards have a special dispensation which effectively puts them above the law, and are motivated to kill.

An acrostic featured in the park director’s report “SMART COMMUNICATION” features the lines “N: Never allow any unauthorized entry (kill the unwanted)” and “M: Must obey or get killed” – maxims which would seem extreme even in a military context, let alone one of wildlife conservation.

The report adds: “So far this year nine poachers have been killed, many arrested, and at least five poachers received fatal bullet injuries (and might have died elsewhere …) However, this is also not enough.” The aim is clearly to maximize casualties and execute as many suspected poachers as possible – without the need to find evidence of their involvement in poaching, arrest them, or put them on trial.

And all of this is taking place in a politically sensitive border region of India with a history of armed conflict and many tribal communities, who bear no responsibility for the endangerment of local wildlife by imperial British hunters and loss of habitat – but who are now being punished as part of an effort to limit the damage.

In the past decade, at least 62 people have been summarily executed under this policy. The man who oversaw it for nine years, Bishan Singh Bonal, who is now head of the Indian National Tiger Conservation Authority, described his time in charge as “open war” and has spoken about the heavy toll it took on his staff.

Nevertheless, he believes the policy to be justified, and it may well be coming soon to other parks and reserves in India. Inevitably, it will once again be innocent tribes who suffer as a result of this officially sanctioned brutality.

A serious human rights issue

The policy is not nearly as controversial as it should be. Extrajudicial execution, no matter how terrible the crime it is administered as punishment for, inevitably leads to knee-jerk violence and chaos in the areas where it takes place. It bypasses all judicial checks and balances and gives low-ranking authorities the power of life and death over fellow citizens.

Worse, it has serious implications for tribal peoples and the increasingly hard-line conservation authorities who are given power over their ancestral lands.

As far as many Indian conservationists are concerned, tribespeople are a nuisance, primitive people, likely to be involved in poaching and in direct conflict with wildlife. There is absolutely no reason to believe any of this. After all, tribespeople have lived peacefully alongside creatures like the tiger for generations and live far more sustainable lives than almost anyone in the industrialized world.

It was not tribes who decimated the population of the Bengal Tiger by hunting on a massive scale for sport. It is not tribes who are now powering the destruction of flora and fauna through extractive industries and urbanization.

Yet it is tribes who apparently must suffer the consequences of conservation policy: eviction, assault, and even death, as part of an effort to limit the damage.

The best guardians of the natural world

Of course poaching is a terrible crime. Endangered species and their habitats should be protected, and the criminal gangs who profit from the trade in their viciously procured body parts should be investigated, punished, and deterred. But to say that the solution to this problem is to have gangs of armed men patrolling the reserves and employing violence above the law is to go too far.

Conservationists should be working with local communities, not criminalizing them, stealing their land and claiming to know how to administer it better. They should certainly not be encouraging the liberal use of summary execution against often innocent people.

One Indian journalist has quipped that in the heat of the moment, park guards could not possibly know the difference between say, an environmental reporter doing their job, and a poacher stalking his prey. The policy is not only absurd, it is also deeply immoral.

This is an extremely emotive issue, but it has to be treated with a proper concern for human rights, especially for the rights of some of the most vulnerable peoples on Earth – tribes. We cannot allow our passion for conserving the environment, or the rage we feel on seeing a picture of a butchered rhino’s horn or dead tiger cub blind us to this.

At Survival, we hope that influential conservation patrons like Prince William will start to acknowledge the humanitarian side of conservation, and encourage Indian authorities to respect the rights of tribes.

 


 

Lewis Evans is a campaigner at Survival International, the global movement for tribal peoples’ rights.

 

Remain in the EU to protect our environment

There are many good reasons for Britain to remain a member of the European Union.

In a fast-changing world we need international rules to control big business and finance, and to ensure that people’s rights are protected – at work and as consumers.

We also need to work across borders to meet global challenges – like the refugee crisis – head on.

But, for all the advantages of EU membership, none stand out quite so clearly as the European Union’s role in protecting our environment.

In many ways, it’s easy to see why working with our European neighbours makes sense. The threats our environment faces – from cross-border pollution, to overfishing in our seas and climate change – don’t respect national borders, meaning that solutions must span the divide between nation states too.

Indeed, when it comes to protecting our environment, it seems to me that if the EU didn’t already exist, we’d have to invent it.

But the EU isn’t just good in theory. This week’s Environmental Audit Committee report makes this clear when it says: “The overwhelming majority of our witnesses also believed that the UK’s membership of the EU has improved the UK’s approach to environmental protection and ensured that the UK environment has been better protected.”

Right now, the effects of these changes in the law can be experienced across our country – on our beaches, in the countryside and in the air that we breathe.

I can see the environmental benefits every day

As an MP for a coastal community, I can see very clearly the effect of European rules in cleaning up our shoreline. In the 1970s, sewage blighted our beaches. In 1976, the European Union passed the Bathing Water Directive, which compelled countries to clean up their act – and thus decrease the pollution levels in the seas, which we all share.

The progress was slow at first but the results are now clear for all to see. By 1990, just over a quarter of our beaches met water quality standards. Now, with even stricter rules passed by the EU in 2006, over 97% of England’s bathing waters have met the new minimum standard. Our beaches and seas are cleaner, and coastal economies have been given a boost, because of EU regulations.

It’s also thanks to EU rules that some of the most precious wildlife and habitats in the UK has been protected. At the northern edge of my constituency are the South Downs – a splendid chalk hill landscape extending from Eastbourne to Winchester. On those hills, and across the UK’s countryside, species have been protected by a variety of EU environmental laws.

The fate of British birds is a case in point. Analysis by the RSPB, BirdLife International and Durham University reveals that the most consistent single factor in a species’ fate is whether it has the highest level of protection under the EU’s Birds Directive or not. Some of the successes have been astonishing. Red kite numbers are up 2054%, cranes are up 1660% and marsh harriers are up 998%. Native British species such as the bittern and corn bunting are back from the brink of extinction.

And it’s not just birds that are safeguarded under EU rules: the Habitats Directive ensures that bats, newts, otters, lizards and other species are guarded against overzealous development and destruction of the areas in which they live.

EU leading on climate change and air pollution

Another persistent reminder of the need for cross border rules is the air pollution crisis we’re facing in this country, and the 40,000 deaths associated with it. Sources of air pollution are varied – the majority of the fumes comes from traffic in our cities, while some of the tiny toxic particles float across the Channel from France, carried by the wind.

Thankfully the EU’s Clean Air Policy Package, which applies just as much to Northern France as it does to our own towns and cities – is forcing Government’s like our own to clean up their act. Though they are reluctant, Ministers know that the threat of legal action looms if they don’t reduce the levels of killer pollution in our towns and cities.

Coal-fired power stations in the UK – a longstanding source of pollution – have been shut down in the UK thanks to the EU’s Large Combustion Plant Directive.

Precedent for such action exists in the shape of EU-wide action to tackle acid rain. Thanks to European laws this particularly damaging pollution – which threatened woodlands, river ecosystems and our own health – was cleaned up extremely successfully – meaning we saw a 90% fall in sulphur dioxide pollution since its peak level.

Of course it is the threat of catastrophic climate change which hangs over everything else we’re doing to protect our environment. Surely there is no better reason to work with our neighbours than the need to tackle this complex cross-border catastrophe.

If we join forces with other countries, strengthening the EU-wide rules on carbon emissions that are already in place, then we have a chance of keeping future generations safe. Going it alone simply isn’t an option for a challenge of this magnitude.

It’s worth noting that it was the EU’s political decision in 1990 to cap emissions of greenhouse gases by 2000 that formed the cornerstone of the 1992 UN climate convention. The climate and energy package, whilst being inadequate in its current form, has been a major factor in driving the deployment of renewable energy in the UK. Some of our dirtiest power stations have also been closed thanks to EU directives.

Not perfect on agriculture and fisheries – but it is getting better

As a former MEP, I am the first to admit that the EU has been far from perfect when it comes to protecting our environment. Some policies, such as the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), have indeed had deeply damaging aspects. But CAP has also seen some improvements from a nature and conservation perspective and farmers are some of the most outspoken advocates for remaining in the EU.

Similarly the Common Fisheries Policy has not always worked well – a result of the policy itself, not the fact that it’s common. Quota management in the EU began for the majority of commercial fish stocks with the first Common Fisheries Policy in 1983, a time when fish stocks were at extremely low levels and fishing pressure was still high.

Over time, fishing pressure has – slowly – decreased for quota species and some fish stocks are finally growing. The reformed EU Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) that became law in 2014 lays the foundations that could eventually lead to sustainable management of fish stocks in Europe.

Thanks, for example, to a Europe-wide campaign, and in spite of intense lobbying from the multinational fishing industry, we now have a ban on the hugely damaging practise of fish discards.

Though some European laws could clearly have been far better, rejecting the EU on the basis of not liking some policies would be to throw the baby out with the bath water. Indeed to think that things would be better if we weren’t a member, seems to me to be somewhat short-sighted.

UK government’s heavy hints to the future they plan outside

Of course it is impossible to know exactly what would happen if Britain left the EU but, when it comes to protecting our environment, the Government has dropped some heavy hints.

Ministers have tried their best to water down air pollution rules, the Chancellor has said that EU nature laws place ridiculous costs on British firms and, most worryingly of all, the government has been vigorously stripping away support for clean energy and renewable technology in the UK.

The UK government’s role in putting a halt to EU wide fracking regulations should also serve as a warning – as should British MEPs being advised by the government to vote against legislation to oblige countries to carry out “routine and non-routine” inspections on vehicles’ “real-world” emissions.

When it comes to EU proposals that fail to adequately protect the environment, we need to make sure we’re pointing the finger in the right direction.

The EU isn’t perfect, and ongoing reform to strengthen environmental rules is clearly needed, but we can only influence that by keeping our seat at the table. The idea of leaving our precious environment in the hands of the current set of ministers fills me with terror.

Only last week a detailed independent report on the subject concluded that leaving the union would be risky and could damage key green protections – and similar findings emerged in a landmark report by Institute for European Environmental Policy earlier this year.

Working with our neighbours to solve environmental problems

For challenges that span national boundaries, we need to work closely with other countries to solve them – to avoid duplication, increase co-ordination, and pool resources. Indeed if Britain is to ever be a world leader on protecting the environment, it will do so through the EU. As Tony Juniper, ex director of Friends of the Earth, noted: “We would never have had the impact we do as one country alone.”

The EU can also provide a space for more radical ideas to develop and become mainstream while they’re still off the radar of UK politics. Efforts to create a circular economy in Europe, for example, have the potential to be hugely beneficial by driving a radical shift of both consumption and production.

Ultimately, it’s obvious that being part of the EU makes sense when it comes to protecting our environment. Pollution, threats to wildlife and environmental degradation don’t respect national borders – so we clearly need shared solutions to the environmental challenges we all face.

The fundamental principle underpinning EU environmental regulations – that we need a level playing field across Europe to prevent a ‘race-to-the-bottom’, where member states seek to gain competitive advantage by destroying the natural environment – is more relevant than ever.

On June 23rd each of us is required to make an assessment about the UK’s membership of the EU based on the best available evidence.

On that basis, if you’re someone who cares about clean air, fighting climate change or protecting our wildlife, the case for putting a cross in the ‘remain’ box is overwhelming.

 


 

Caroline Lucas is the Green MP for Brighton Pavilion, and former leader of the Green Party. She is also a member of Environmentalists for Europe, a board member of Stronger In and a support of Another Europe is Possible.

Event: Caroline will be speaking at Friends of the Earth’s event ‘What has the EU done for the UK environment?’ on Thursday 21st April. You can reserve your place here.

This article was originally published by openDemocracy under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence.

 

Almost all climate scientists agree: climate change is real!

In a rational world, it would have been an entirely unnecessary research project. But sadly not in Australia and the USA, hotbeds of climate change denialism.

US and Australian scientists have found an extraordinary degree of scientific concensus on the reality of climate change: 97% of climate scientists agree that climate change is happening – and that it is caused by humans.

Since the governments of 195 nations have de facto already accepted this, and collectively vowed at the UN climate conference in Paris last December to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuel combustion and contain global warming if possible to a rise of 1.5C, it might be expected that citizens would need no further convincing. But surveys shows that they do – and particularly in the US.

So John Cook, climate communication fellow at the University of Queensland’s Global Change Institute in Australia, and colleagues from the US, Canada and Europe report in Environmental Research Letters that they have examined all the research yet again.

And they have come up yet again with a conclusion that supports all previous research: that 96%-98% of climate scientists agree that climate change is caused by humans.

Consensus on consensus

Cook says he hopes this latest finding, which he terms “consensus on consensus”, will enable scientists to focus on the real work – addressing climate change. “Global warming is the most serious issue of our age, and now scientists, engineers, and business and political leaders can focus their efforts on addressing it”, he says.

Sarah Green, a chemistry professor at Michigan Technological University and one of the report’s co-authors, adds: “What’s important is that this is not just one study – it’s the consensus of multiple studies.”

Another co-author, Professor Naomi Oreskes, professor of the history of science at Harvard University, says: “Non-expert opinion and making unsupported assumptions can hugely impact the findings. However, with multiple studies finding consistent high levels of scientific agreement, we are confident the debate can now be put to bed.”

The researchers base their conclusion on seven independent consensus studies already conducted by the co-authors. And it includes one in 2013, in which scientists surveyed more than 11,944 abstracts of scientific papers, and concluded – not for the first time – that most scientists agree that humans are changing the climate in which they so successfully evolved.

There has always been healthy and necessary scepticism about any research conclusion, and scientists themselves expect their conclusions to be replicated or proved in error, and their favourite hypotheses to be challenged, repeatedly.

But there has also been an apparently organised programme, for more than a decade, of outright denial and counter-claim. Additionally, climate scientists have been the subject of condemnation and abuse not normally heaped upon academic researchers.

None of these factors has much altered the overall conclusion, in a programme of sustained international research launched in 1988: climate is changing, and human economic activity is making it happen.

Levels of climate expertise

In the latest study, the researchers once again concluded that the greater the levels of expertise in climate science among those quizzed, the greater the likelihood of agreement that humans cause climate change.

Sources of possible confusion might include surveys of people who had already made up their minds that it isn’t happening or that it isn’t the fault of humans. It was possible, too, that those quizzed were not themselves experts in climate science: some might be economic geologists, with expertise in coal or oil deposits.

But the outcome, after more than a quarter of a century of scientific consensus on climate change, remains the same: only 12% of people in the US and 15% in Australia are aware that there is strong agreement among climate scientists.

“The public has a very skewed idea of how much disagreement there is in the scientific community”, Professor Green says.

And as the paper concludes: “Agreement, or perceived agreement, about the extent and causes of climate change has no bearing on rational choices about greenhouse gas emission reduction – those are driven by the trade-offs between the impacts of climate change and the impacts of climate policy.

“But it does affect the public perception of and the political debate on climate policy, as does the integrity of climate research.”

 


 

Tim Radford writes for Climate News Network, where this article originally appeared.

 

Young Americans’ legal victory could force climate change action

In an important victory a US magistrate judge has recommended denial of the national government and fossil fuel industry’s call to dismiss a lawsuit brought by a number of young people.

The case is Kelsey Cascade Rose Juliana v United States and is available here.

The children and teenagers, aged between eight and 19, are suing the US government for violating their constitutional rights to life, liberty and property by failing to regulate carbon dioxide emissions.

The claim is part of a suite of litigation currently being brought against US state and federal governments by the NGO ‘Our Children’s Trust‘ based partially on the concept of the Atmospheric Public Trust, developed by the academic Professor Mary Christina Wood of the University of Oregon School of Law.

In what the magistrate judge called a “novel theory”, the young people are making a number of claims against the US government, and are asking the court to confirm:

  • That it has violated and is violating the youths’ fundamental constitutional rights to life, liberty and property by substantially causing or contributing to a dangerous concentration of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere that is dangerously interfering with a stable climate system required by the nation and the plaintiffs;

  • That section 201 of the Energy Policy Act and the statutory authorisation of the export of Liquefied National Gas from a terminal in the state of Oregon are unconstitutional; and

  • That the US government has violated its public trust duties.

Government must be ordered to act on climate!

The youth want the court to order the government to phase out fossil fuel emissions and draw down excess atmospheric carbon dioxide to stabilise the climate and protect the vital resources on which they depend, now and in the future.

On 14th January 2016, the court allowed three powerful industry lobby groups – the National Association of Manufacturers, the American Fuel & Petrochemical Manufacturers and the American Petroleum Institute – to join the case as interveners.

The US government and the lobbyists filed motions to dismiss the suit, claiming that the children lacked standing, raised non-justiciable political questions and failed to state a constitutional claim. They also argued that the public trust doctrine does not allow a case at national level as it is part of state law.

On 9th April 2016, Magistrate Judge Thomas Coffin of the US District Court of Oregon recommended that the government and lobbyists’ motions to dismiss the case be denied.

Much of his reasoning departs from established precedent and if it is adopted by the District Court Judge and upheld on appeal, the case will be a huge breakthrough in climate litigation.

Crucially, Coffin rejected the government and lobbyists’ arguments that the youths did not have the legal right to bring the claim, known as standing. This has previously been a significant hurdle for climate change litigants in the US, defeating an earlier lawsuit brought by the residents of the native village of Kivalina, Alaska, against America’s largest utilities and energy companies.

The young litigants have standing – here’s why

To establish standing, a plaintiff must show that:

  1. They have suffered an injury in fact that is concrete, particularised and actual or imminent;

  2. The injury is fairly traceable to the challenged conduct and;

  3. The injury is likely to be redressed by a favourable court decision.

The magistrate judge said national courts are not the right place to air general grievances against government. However, after citing the wide variety of harm alleged, he concluded that “given the allegations of direct or threatened harm, albeit shared by most of the population or future population, the court should be loathe to decline standing to persons suffering an alleged concrete injury of a constitutional magnitude.”

Interestingly, he also characterised young people as a discrete class of society, noting the intergenerational issues associated with the suit:

The intractability of the debates before Congress and state legislatures and the alleged valuing of short term economic interest despite the cost to human life, necessitates a need for the courts to evaluate the constitutional parameters of the action or inaction taken by the government”.

Coffin agreed that the US environment agency’s action or inaction on regulating greenhouse gasses could result in harm to the plaintiffs. He also took a unique approach to redressability and justiciability, finding that the courts do have the power to fashion an appropriate remedy addressing the plaintiffs’ injuries without interfering with policy decisions of government.

The state’s duty of protection to its citizens

In a fascinating application of international precedent, he cited the Dutch Urgenda case, in which the Hague District Court ordered the Netherlands to increase its national greenhouse gas emissions reduction target

Although he recognised that the case “does implicate some unmanageable issues”, they did not bar the case completely, and a court could conceivably direct the US environment agency (EPA) to adopt standards that prevent the alleged constitutional harm and to take “a hard look at the best available scientific evidence”.

The finding also rejected the federal governments’ arguments that there is no constitutional right to be free from carbon dioxide emissions. Instead, it accepted that where government action creates a danger to constitutional rights, which it allegedly has through its deliberate indifference to climate change and the imminent harm it poses to the young and future generations, the state must protect those rights.

The magistrate judge noted that the government’s actual knowledge or wilful ignorance of impending harm could amount to conduct that “shocks the conscience”, thus meeting the legal threshold.

In a comment that will give heart to climate campaigners, he also said that the case could uncover evidence to show when the fossil fuel industry became aware of the harmful effects of carbon dioxide emissions, exposing their duplicity. This appears to be a reference to the recent revelations and investigations into the extent to which Exxon Mobil and other energy companies misled the public about their knowledge of the effects of climate change.

Public trust doctrine applicable at national level

Finally, the magistrate judge also left open the possibility that the public trust doctrine could exist under national law (as opposed to state-level), declining to follow legal precedent.

Under the public trust doctrine, American states are prevented from alienating certain lands, including navigable waterways, coastal tidelands and in some cases public reserves. They must also protect those resources and the public’s interest in them. In a strong vindication of continued relevance of the doctrine, the magistrate judge said that the public trust reflects “core values of our Constitution and the very essence of the purpose of our nation’s government”.

However the decision does not go so far as to recognise an atmospheric public trust, with the impact of climate change on navigable waterways apparently sufficient to ground the public trust claim.

With this important decision, climate change litigants may have wedged open the door to a breakthrough in the fight for climate justice.

 


 

Sophie Marjanac is a lawyer at ClientEarth.

Author’s note: We will be following the litigation closely, and will provide further updates on the District Court’s final ruling, as well as the inevitable appeal, as the case progresses.

 

Renewable energy versus nuclear: dispelling the myths

Nuclear energy and renewable energy (RE) are the principal competitors for low-carbon electricity in many countries.

As RE technologies have grown in volume and investment, and become much cheaper, nuclear proponents and deniers of climate science have become deniers of RE.

The strategies and tactics of RE deniers are very similar to those of climate science deniers.

To create uncertainty about the ability of RE to power an industrial society, they bombard decision-makers and the media with negative myths about RE and positive myths about nuclear energy, attempting to turn these myths into conventional wisdom.

In responding to the climate crisis, few countries have the economic resources to expand investment substantially in both nuclear and RE. This is demonstrated in 2016 by the UK government, which is offering huge long-term subsidies to nuclear while severely cutting existing short-term subsidies to RE.

This article, a sequel to one busting the myth that we need base-load power stations such as nuclear or coal, examines critically some of the other myths about nuclear energy and RE. It offers a resource for those who wish to question these myths. The myths discussed here have been drawn from comments by nuclear proponents and RE opponents in the media, articles, blogs and on-line comments.

Myth 1: Base-load power stations are necessary to supply base-load demand.

Variant: Base-load power stations must be operated continuously to back-up variable renewable energy systems.

Variant: Renewable energy is too variable to reliably make the principal contribution to large-scale electricity supply.

This myth is refuted in my previous article, ‘Dispelling the nuclear ‘baseload’ myth: nothing renewables can’t do better!‘ To quote three introductory paragraphs:

Underlying this claim are three key assumptions. First, that baseload power is actually a good and necessary thing. In fact, what it really means is too much power when you don’t want it, and not enough when you do. What we need is flexible power (and flexible demand too) so that supply and demand can be matched instant by instant.

The second assumption is that nuclear power is a reliable baseload supplier. In fact it’s no such thing. All nuclear power stations are subject to tripping out for safety reasons or technical faults. That means that an electricity system that includes a 3.2GW nuclear power station needs at least 3.2GW of expensive ‘spinning reserve’ that can be called in at a moment’s notice.

The third is that the only way to supply baseload power is from baseload power stations, such as nuclear, coal and gas, designed to run flat-out all the time whether their power is actually needed or not. That’s wrong too.


Myth 2: There is a renaissance in nuclear energy

Global nuclear electricity production in terawatt-hours per year (TWh/y) peaked in 2006. The percentage contribution of nuclear energy to global electricity peaked at 17.5% in 1993 and declined to under 11% in 2014. Nowadays annual global investment in nuclear is exceeded by investment in each of wind and solar.

Over the past decade the number of global start-ups of new nuclear power reactors has been approximately balanced by the number of closures of existing reactors. While several European countries are phasing out nuclear energy, most growth in nuclear reactor construction is occurring in China, Russia, India and South Korea.

See also Dr Jim Green’s detailed article busting this myth wide open: ‘Nuclear renaissance? Failing industry is running flat out to stand still‘.

Myth 3: Renewable energy is not ready to replace fossil fuels, and nuclear energy could fill the (alleged) gap in low-carbon energy supply

Most existing nuclear power reactors are classified as Generation 2 and are widely regarded as obsolete. The current generations of new nuclear power stations are classified as Generation 3 and 3+. Only four Generation 3 reactors have operated, so far only in Japan, and their performance has been poor. No Generation 3+ reactor is operating, although two are under construction in Europe, four in the USA and several in China.

All are behind schedule and over-budget – the incomplete European reactors are already triple their budgeted prices. Not one Generation 4 power reactor – e.g. fast breeder, integral fast reactor (IFR), small modular reactor – is commercially available. So it can be argued that modern nuclear energy is not ready.

On the other hand, wind and solar are both growing rapidly and are still becoming cheaper. Large wind and solar farms can be planned and built in 2-3 years (compared with 10-15 years for nuclear) and are ready now to replace fossil and nuclear electricity.

Myth 4: Nuclear weapons proliferation is independent of civil nuclear energy

Variant: Nuclear weapons explosives cannot be made from the type of plutonium produced in conventional nuclear power reactors, or from the thorium fuel cycle, or from the IFR.

Six countries (France, India, North Korea, Pakistan, South Africa and the UK) have covertly used civil nuclear energy to assist them to develop nuclear weapons. In addition, at least seven countries (Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Iran, Libya, South Korea and Taiwan) have used civil nuclear energy to commence covertly developing nuclear weapons, but then terminated their programs (references in Diesendorf 2014).

Thus nuclear energy is facilitating proliferation and therefore is increasing the probability of nuclear war. Even if the probability of nuclear war is small (and this is debatable), the potential impacts are huge. Therefore it is inappropriate to ignore the proliferation risk, which is probability multiplied by potential impact.

Thorium reactors are under development in India. Thorium is not fissile, so it first has to be bombarded with neutrons to convert it into uranium-233, which is. Like any fissile element, U-233 can be used either to generate heat and hence electricity, or as a nuclear explosive. Nuclear weapons with U-233 as part of the explosive have been tested by the USA (Teapot MET test), Soviet Union and India.

Some nuclear proponents incorrectly claim the hypothetical IFR would be proliferation-proof. The IFR has only ever operated as a single prototype in the USA. The project was cancelled by Congress in 1994 for reasons including funding, doubts about whether it was needed, and concerns about its potential for proliferation.

The IFR offers at least two proliferation pathways. Once it has separated most of the highly radioactive fission products from the less radioactive transuranics by means of an experimental process known as pyroprocessing, it would be easier to extract the plutonium-239 from the transuranics by means of conventional chemical reprocessing and use it to produce nuclear weapons.

An alternative proliferation pathway would be to modify an IFR to enable it to be used as a breeder reactor to produce weapons grade plutonium from uranium-238. (Wymer et al. 1992).

Myth 5: The death toll from the Chernobyl disaster was 28-64 people

These absurdly low estimates are obtained by considering only short-term deaths from acute radiation syndrome and ignoring the major contribution to fatalities, namely cancers that appear over several decades.

For Chernobyl, the lowest serious estimate of future cancer deaths was “up to 4,000” by the Chernobyl Forum (2006), a group of United Nations agencies led by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

The IAEA has the conflicting goals of promoting nuclear energy and applying safeguards against inter alia accidents and proliferation. Estimates from authors with no obvious conflict of interest range from 16,000 from the International Agency for Research on Cancer to 93,000 from a team of international medical researchers from Ukraine, Russia and elsewhere.

See also Dr Jim Green’s excellent article: ‘Radiation harm deniers? Pro-nuclear environmentalists and the Chernobyl death toll‘.

Myth 6: The problem of permanently storing high-level nuclear wastes has been solved

All high-level waste is currently in temporary storage in pools or dry casks. Not one permanent repository is operating in the world.

Development of the proposed US repository at Yucca Mountain in the USA was terminated after expenditure of $13.5 billion. Underground repositories are under construction in Sweden and Finland. Even if the technical and economic challenges could be solved, the social problem of managing or isolating the repositories for 100,000 years remains.

Myth 7: The IFR could ‘burn up’ the world’s nuclear wastes

The Integrated Fast Reacor or IFR only exists as a design. If it were ever developed, it would become another proliferation pathway (see Myth 4). At best it could convert most transuranics to fission products, so underground long-term repositories would still be needed.

For a fuller exposition of the problems of IFRs and other ‘new’ reactor designs, see Amory Lovins’s classic 2009 essay, recently republished on The Ecologist: ‘‘New’ nuclear reactors? Same old story‘.

Myth 8: Nuclear energy emits no or negligible greenhouse gas emissions

Neither nuclear energy nor most renewable technologies emit CO2 during operation. However, meaningful comparisons must compare whole life-cycles from mining the raw materials to managing the wastes.

Nuclear physicist and nuclear supporter Manfred Lenzen (2008) found average life-cycle emissions for nuclear energy, based on mining high-grade uranium ore, of 60 grams of CO2 per kilowatt-hour (g/kWh), for wind of 10-20 g/kWh and for natural gas 500-600 g/kWh.

Now comes the part that most nuclear proponents try to ignore or misrepresent. The world has only a few decades of high-grade uranium ore reserves left. As the ore-grade inevitably declines, the fossil fuel used to mine (with diesel fuel) and mill uranium increases and so do the resulting greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions.

Lenzen calculates that, when low-grade uranium ore is used, the life-cycle GHG emissions will increase to 131 g/kWh. Others have obtained higher levels. This is unacceptable in terms of climate science. Only if mining low-grade ore were done with renewable fuel, or if fast breeder reactors replaced burner reactors, could nuclear GHG emissions be kept to an acceptable level, but neither of these conditions is likely to be met for decades at least.

For more on this topic, see also Professor Keith Barnham’s excellent article: ‘False solution: Nuclear power is not ‘low carbon’‘.

Myth 9: Nuclear energy is a suitable partner for renewable energy in the grid

Making a virtue out of necessity, nuclear proponents claim that we can have both (new) nuclear and renewables in the same grid. However, nuclear energy is a poor partner for a large contribution of variable renewable energy in an electricity supply system for four reasons:

1. Nuclear power reactors are inflexible in operation (see Myth 10), compared with open cycle gas turbines (which can be biofuelled), hydro with dams and concentrated solar thermal (CST) with thermal storage. Wind and solar PV can supply bulk energy, balanced by flexible, dispatchable renewables, as discussed previously.

2. When a nuclear power station breaks down, it is usually off-line for weeks or months. For comparison, lulls in wind last typically for hours or days, so wind does not need expensive back-up from base-load power stations – flexible dispatchable RE suffices.

3. Wind and solar farms are cheaper to operate than nuclear (and fossil fuels). Therefore wind and solar can bid lower prices into electricity markets and displace nuclear from base-load operation, which it needs to pay off its huge capital costs.

4. Renewables and nuclear compete for support policies from government including scarce finance and subsidies. For example, the UK government commitment to Hinkley C, with enormous subsidies, has resulted in removal of subsidies to on-shore wind and solar PV.

Myth 10: Nuclear power reactors can generally be operated flexibly to follow changes in demand / load

The limitations, both technical and economic, are demonstrated by France, with 77% of its electricity generated from nuclear.

Since the current generation of nuclear power stations is not designed for load-following, France can only operate some of its reactors in load-following mode some of the time – at the beginning of their operating cycle, with fresh fuel and high reserve reactivity – but cannot continue to load-follow in the late part of their cycle. This is acknowledged by the World Nuclear Organisation.

Load-following has two economic penalties for base-load power stations:

  • Substantially increased maintenance costs due to loss of efficiency and the expansion and contraction cycles associated with rising and falling reactor temperatures;
  • Reduced earnings during off-peak periods. Yet, to pay off of their high capital cost, the reactors must be operated as much as possible at rated power.

France reduces the second economic penalty by selling its excess nuclear energy to neighbouring countries via transmission line, while parts of Australia soak up their excess base-load coal energy with cheap off-peak water heating.

Myth 11: Renewable energies are more expensive than nuclear

Variant: Nuclear energy receives smaller subsidies than RE.

Both myths are false. Levelised costs of energy (LCOE) depend on the number of units installed at a site, location, capital cost, interest rate and capacity factor (actual average power output divided by rated power). LCOE estimates for nuclear are $108/MWh based on pre-2014 data and $97-132/MWh based on pre-2015 data (Lazard 2015).

The IPCC estimate does not include subsidies, while the Lazard estimate includes US federal government subsidies excluding loan guarantees and decommissioning. None of these US estimates takes account of the huge escalation in costs of the two European Pressured Water Reactors (EPR) under construction (mentioned in Myth 3).

The EPR proposed for the UK, Hinkley C, is being offered a guaranteed inflation-linked price for electricity over 35 years, commencing at £92.5/MWh ($144/MWh) in 2012 currency. That’s now pushing up towards £100 in today’s money, almost three times the current wholesale price of electricity in the UK. The subsidy package also includes a UK Treasury loan guarantee of originally £10 billion ($15.3 billion). Its capped liability for accidents and inadequate insurance is likely to fall upon the British taxpayer.

In 2015 multinational financial consultants Lazard estimated unsubsidised costs for on-shore wind across the USA of $32-77/MWh. An independent empirical study by US Department of Energy (Fig. 46) found levelised power purchase agreement prices in 2014 for wind in the US interior (region with the highest wind speeds) of $22/MWh, and in the west (region with lowest wind speeds) about $60/MW.

The US government subsidises wind with a Production Tax Credit of $23/MWh over 10 years, so this must be added to the DoE figures to obtain the actual costs. In Brazil in 2014, contracts were awarded at a reverse auction for an average unsubsidised clearing price of 129.3 real/MWh (US $41/MWh).

Lazard estimated unsubsidised costs of $50-70/MWh for large-scale solar PV in a high insolation region of the USA. In New Mexico, USA, a Power Purchase Agreement for $57.9/MWh has been signed for electricity from the Macho Springs 50 MW solar PV power station; federal and state subsidies bring the actual cost to around $80-90/MWh depending on location.

In Chile, Brazil and Uruguay, unsubsidised prices at reverse auctions are in the same range (Diesendorf 2016). Rooftop solar ‘behind the meter’ is competitive with retail grid electricity prices in many regions of the world with medium to high insolation, even where there are no feed-in tariffs.

For CST with thermal storage, Lazard estimates $119-181/MWh.

Comparing subsidies between nuclear and RE is difficult, because they vary substantially in quantity and type from country to country, where nuclear subsidies may include some or all of the following (Diesendorf 2014):

  • government funding for research and development, uranium enrichment, decommissioning and waste management;
  • loan guarantees;
  • stranded assets paid for by taxpayers and electricity ratepayers;
  • limited liabilities for accidents covered by victims and taxpayers;
  • generous contracts for difference.

Subsidies to nuclear have either remained constant or increased over the past 50 years, while subsidies to RE, especially feed-in tariffs, have decreased substantially (to zero in some places) over the past decade.

Myth 12: Renewable energy is very diffuse and hence requires huge land areas

Hydro-electric dams and dedicated bioenergy crops can occupy extensive areas, but renewable energy scenarios for few regions have large additional contributions from these sources.

Ground based solar farms located may occupy significant land, however this is often marginal land, and need not preclude other uses such as grazing. Rooftop solar, which is widespread in Germany and Australia, and bioenergy derived from crop residues, occupy no additional land.

On-shore wind farms are generally located on agricultural land, with which they are highly compatible. The land occupied is typically 1-2% of the land spanned which deniers often ignore and misleadingly quote the land area spanned.

For an economic optimal mix of 100% renewable electricity technologies calculated for the Australian National Energy Market, total land area in km2/TWh/y is about half that of equivalent nuclear with a hypothetical buffer zone of radius 20 km, as belatedly established for Fukushima Daiichi (Diesendorf 2016).

Myth 13: Energy payback periods (in energy units, not money) of renewable energy technologies are comparable with their lifetimes

Nowadays typical energy payback periods in years are: solar PV modules 0.5-1.8; large wind turbines 0.25-0.75; CST (parabolic trough) 2; nuclear (high-grade-uranium ore) 6.5; nuclear (low-grade-uranium ore) 14 (references in Diesendorf 2014, Table 5.2).

The range of values reflects the fact that energy payback periods, and the related concept of energy return on energy invested, depend on the type of technology and its site. Critics of RE often quote much higher energy payback periods for RE technologies by assuming incorrectly that each has to be backed-up continuously by a fossil fuelled power station.

Myth 14: Danish electricity prices are among the highest in Europe, because of the large contribution from wind energy

Danish retail electricity prices are among the highest in Europe, because electricity is taxed very heavily. This tax goes into consolidated revenue – it does not subsidise wind energy. Comparing tax-free electricity prices places Denmark around the European average.

Wind energy in Denmark is subsidised by feed-in tariffs funded by a very small increase in retail electricity prices, which is offset by the decrease in wholesale electricity prices resulting from the large wind energy contribution.

Myth 15: Computer simulation models of the operation of electricity grids with 80-100% renewable electricity are meaningless over-simplifications of real systems

Although a model is indeed a simplified version of reality, it can be a powerful low-cost tool for exploring different scenarios. Most modellers start with simple models, in order to understand some of the basic relationships between variables. Then, step-by-step, as understanding grows, they make the models more realistic.

For example, initially the UNSW Australia group simulated the operation of the Australian National Electricity Market with 100% RE in hourly time-steps spanning a single year. Wind farms were simply scaled up at existing sites. The next model included economic data and calculated the economic optimal mix of RE technologies and then compared costs with low-carbon fossil fuelled scenarios.

Recently the simulations were extended to six years of hourly data, the RE supply region was decomposed into 43 sub-regions and a limit was imposed on non-synchronous supply. Meanwhile, researchers at Stanford University have shown that all energy use in the USA, including transport and heat, could be supplied by renewable electricity.

Their computer simulations use synthetic data on electricity demand, wind and sunshine taken every 30 seconds over a period of six years. Using synthetic data allows modellers to include big hypothetical fluctuations in the weather. Such sensitivity analysis strengthens the power and credibility of the models.

Strangely, some of the loudest critics of simulation modelling of electricity systems, a specialised field, have no qualifications in physical science, computer science, engineering or applied mathematics. In Australia they include two biologists, a social work academic and an occupational therapist.

Renewables could be scaled up long before nuclear

Computer simulation models and growing practical experience suggest that electricity supply in many regions, and possibly the whole world, could transition to 100% renewable energy (RE).

Most of the RE technologies are commercially available, affordable and environmentally sound. There is no fundamental technical or economic reason for delaying the transition.

The pro-nuclear and anti-RE myths disseminated by nuclear proponents and supporters of other vested interests do not stand up to examination. Given the political will, RE could be scaled up long before Generation 3 and 4 nuclear power stations could make a significant contribution to electricity supply.

 


 

Mark Diesendorf is Associate Professor in Interdisciplinary Environmental Studies in the School of Biological, Earth and Environmental Sciences at the University of New South Wales.

References

Diesendorf M (2014) Sustainable Energy Solutions for Climate Change. London: Routledge and Sydney: NewSouth Publishing.

Diesendorf M (2016) ‘Subjective judgments in the nuclear energy debate’. Conservation Biology doi:10.1111/cobi.12692. (See the Supporting Information as well as the short article.)

Wymer RG et al. (1992) An Assessment of the Proliferation Potential and International Implications of the Integral Fast Reactor. Martin Marietta K/IPT-511 (May); prepared for the Departments of State and Energy.

 

World Bank doubles fossil fuel funding in four years

The largest development bank in the world is still pouring millions of dollars into oil, gas, and coal projects every year, despite repeated calls by its president to end global subsidies of dirty energy.

The World Bank Group, which provides loans to developing countries, stumped up $313 million just for fossil fuel exploration projects in the 2015 fiscal year alone, according to research by Oil Change International (OCI).

The organisation shelled out over $1.7bn in total in investments for exploration, or projects that included an exploration component, between the fiscal years 2011 – 2015.

“Nobody in their right mind should be funding fossil fuel exploration projects”, said Alex Doukas, senior campaigner at OCI. “It’s time for the World Bank to stop.”

As OCI’s report states: “In 2015, the World Bank Group’s actions continued to speak louder than its President’s strong words on climate change …

“The World Bank Group continues to invest in exploration for new fossil fuel reserves despite clear signs that we already have far more fossil fuels than we can afford to burn, and over the last five years, the World Bank Group’s total fossil fuel finance has trended upwards, with finance into the billions of dollars nearly every year.”

The rhetoric goes one way – the money goes the other

The financial flows into fossil fuels fly in the face of repeated calls by the World Bank head to end fossil fuel subsidies. As the World Trade Organisation defines it, a subsidy is a “financial contribution by a government or any public body”, including loans and loan guarantees.

In fact, on the same day the OCI analysis was published, the World Bank’s president, Jim Kim, warned that climate change rivals migration and pandemics as the major threat to global economy. He urged that current plans to build hundreds of carbon-intensive energy plants must be stopped urgently.

“We are working with countries to make renewables cheaper than coal and push forward efforts to mitigate the effects of climate change”, Kim told a press conference on 14th April.

He had previously stated: “We’ve come together in the shadow of an undeniable truth: We simply cannot afford to continue polluting the planet at the current pace. Unless we drastically cut emissions and do more to help countries adapt, the effects of climate change could push an additional 100 million people into poverty by 2030.”

Video: World Could Be 4 Degrees Hotter By End of This Century – by the World Bank.

Yet over the last five years, the World Bank Group’s total fossil fuel finance has trended upwards, pushing billions of dollars nearly every year, the OCI research found:

“From FY 2011 to 2015, World Bank Group finance for fossil fuel projects also exhibited an upward trend. While fossil fuel finance declined in FY 2015 in absolute terms, the overall five year trend indicates that World Bank Group finance for fossil fuel projects has increased.

“The World Bank Group invested more than twice as much in fossil fuels in FY 2015 as in 2011, whether measured in absolute dollars or as a percentage of the World Bank Group’s total energy portfolio.”

It’s simple – World Bank must stop funding fossil fuels!

Doukas pointed out that governments around the world agreed under the Paris climate agreement – also known as COP21 – that shifting finance away from dirty fossil fuels and toward renewable energy is an urgent priority. “Yet public finance institutions like the World Bank are using our tax money to bankroll dirty energy investments.”

As the report makes clear, “According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, at least three quarters of already-known fossil fuel reserves must remain unburned if there is a reasonable chance of limiting climate warming to below 2 degrees C. In light of the Paris Agreement, which enshrines this 2 degree target and indicates that governments will strive to keep warming to below 1.5 degrees, an even higher proportion of already-known fossil fuel reserves must stay in the ground.”

Of the 180+ countries that submitted national pledges for climate action before and during COP21, more than 130 work with the World Bank Group.

Doukas said: “The Asian Development Bank has had a ban on financing fossil fuel exploration projects for years. There’s no reason the World Bank couldn’t adopt a similar policy as a first step toward phasing out all finance for polluting fossil fuel projects.”

In 2013, the World Bank urged the “$1,000,000,000,000 in harmful subsidies” to be cut to prevent the fatal effects of global warming in this YouTube video (see embed, above). But as the OCI points out,

“Despite the fact that the world already has far more reserves of oil, gas and coal than we can afford to burn if we hope to avoid the worst impacts of climate change, the World Bank Group – the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), the International Development Association (IDA), the International Finance Corporation (IFC), and the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) – continues to finance exploration for unburnable fossil fuels.”

 


 

Victoria Seabrook writes about climate change, the criminal justice system, and social justice. She is news editor at independent local newspaper Hackney Citizen, co-editor of Prison Watch UK and a contributor to DeSmog.uk. She tweets @v_seabrook.
This article was originally published on DeSmog.uk. Additional reporting by The Ecologist.