Monthly Archives: May 2016

A new challenge

White-handed Tree Frog Leaps Toward LIfe's Challenges © Hudson Garcia, Brazil, Finalist, Nature & Wildlife, Sony World Photography Awards

A few years ago, Sharon Baruch-Mordo posted a provocative challenge. She called it the biodiversity challenge and offered it as an opportunity to write about the importance of your research in the context of biodiversity and conservation. The biodiversity challenge was a tough one. Not many graduate students are given training in science communication, and when we are, it’s usually targeted towards generating concise scientific prose that can be published in peer-reviewed journals. But the challenge is an important one. If we want to disseminate our knowledge, we have to be able to communicate it effectively. Well, you rose up to the challenge, and we were amazed by the quality and breadth of the results.

Today, BioDiverse Perspectives is emerging from a months-long torpor to issue a new challenge. We still want you to tell us what makes your research topic relevant. But we want you to evaluate the importance of your research from a different angle. What would happen if the thing you study were to disappear off of the face of the earth tomorrow? How would the world change if your research topic simply ceased to exist?

Tomorrow, your favorite focal biological unit of research (molecule, gene, organelle, organ, organism, ecosystem, general law of nature) will be deleted from the face of the earth. What are the implications?

We took the challenge. Next week we’ll be posting our results, and we challenge you to join in, too. You can upload your posts here. We will publish them all, in full, as we receive them, unedited, in all their glory.

May 9, 2016

Pesticide-free cities are possible! But there’s more to it than vinegar

We all enjoyed a good stink here in Bristol last month, as the national press seized upon Bristol City Council’s new fad for spraying weeds with vinegar.

It’s billed as an ‘eco-friendly alternative’ to herbicides, but sadly it’s not one that is tremendously effective for weed control in large public spaces.

But behind the headlines, the real story is that citizens in Bristol and elsewhere are rejecting glyphosate – the world’s biggest selling herbicide, described by the WHO as a probable human carcinogen – even as local authorities remain doggedly determined to use it.

The Council’s fondness for vinegar, first described in a press release from our campaign group, the Pesticide Safe Bristol Alliance, was reported in the local paper then quickly took on a life of its own. My phone was soon buzzing with journalists on the hunt for an acrid haze hanging over Cotham, the part of the city where the Council is trying out vinegar as an alternative to glyphosate.

“I know this sounds shallow, but we really need an angry resident to make this work”, one TV producer implored. Needless to say, none of the locals had noticed anything, but that didn’t stop the entire city smelling just like a fish and chip shop by the time the last tabloid was done.

I’ll take anything but glyphosate, thanks

So, has ‘vinegar-gate’ left us any the wiser about what local authorities should be using for weed control?

From our perspective at the Pesticide Safe Bristol Alliance, this storm in a condiment cap has at least helped raise the profile of what gets sprayed on our city’s streets. And despite the sensationalist reporting, many readers saw through the fug to the core issue at hand – which is that the routine spraying of glyphosate and other toxic chemicals in public spaces has got to stop.

As one commentator on the Daily Mail website put it, “I would rather smell vinegar than catch cancer.” This sentiment was echoed again and again, with surprisingly few readers springing to glyphosate’s defense. It will be interesting to see how well retail sales of RoundUp and other glyphosate-based gardening products hold up as the row continues over its health impacts.

Our experience in speaking to people in Bristol is that many people are simply not aware that glyphosate is being sprayed in roads, housing estates, parks and play areas. When they do become aware, the vast majority of people support an outright ban on this practice, or much tighter restrictions on its use. In the latest results of our rolling online survey, only 8.6% of respondents agree that herbicide sprays are a ‘wholly acceptable’ means of weed control.

The survey has received several reports of mild to severe poisoning among cats and dogs that had licked herbicide-coated plants. It also shows that the Council is failing to give warning of sprays to take place, despite a promise to “make available full information” on pesticide use. Although half of respondents have seen sprayers at work in Bristol, only 1% have ever seen any kind of warning notice. The situation in other British cities may well be similar.

As one mother wrote to us, “I was with my toddler when I saw this machine driving down the pavement with a toxic sticker on the back. I was shocked that this was happening with no warning, and that my son was exposed to these chemicals.”

Another respondent said: “I saw a family out last autumn innocently gathering fallen leaves, and felt obliged to advise them to keep clear of the sprayed areas. No signs anywhere that this was going to be done.”

The spread of Pesticide-Free Zones

In Bristol and probably other cities as well, public opinion seems to be moving ahead of local authority practice. Our Pesticide Free Zone action – in which citizens pledge to avoid glyphosate and other harmful forms of pest control in their own outdoors space – is steadily gaining momentum, with over 300 gardens, allotments and driveways pledged thus far.

Likewise we hope to recruit schools health settings as Pesticide Free Zones. Given that children are particularly vulnerable to the health impacts of pesticide exposure, we expected the handful of schools approached thus far to readily comply.

But this has not generally been the case, for reasons not entirely clear. In one instance, it was obvious that the head teacher and governors did not know whether pesticides were applied on play areas or not. If this is typical, it suggests that schools need to develop explicit policies on pesticide use within their ground maintenance teams.

Nonetheless, local authorities are still the primary target of most pesticide-free city campaigners, because of the large land banks that they control. It seems perverse that households are excluding pesticides from their own gardens, only to encounter these substances when they enter a public space.

This raises questions of choice and agency, as well as a social justice issue in respect of the 600+ social housing estates that are sprayed city-wide under the Council’s second largest glyphosate contract. Unlike owner-occupiers, social housing tenants have no choice over whether children and pets are exposed to glyphosate in their immediate outdoors space or not.

Designed to fail?

So what does leadership by local authorities look like? Like other pesticide-free city campaigns in the UK, we are asking our Council to do two things – first, take glyphosate off the table, and second, come up with sensible alternatives for weed control.

This is not rocket science. It is being achieved by many other European cities and local authorities here would do well to draw on their experience. On both points, Bristol’s dunking in vinegar falls short of the mark:

  • It applies only to a small area of the city, and leaves the door wide open to the return of glyphosate should the trial be deemed a failure.
  • At the same time it invites failure by choosing vinegar ahead of more credible technologies for safer weed control.
  • Worse still, large tracts of land will not receive any weed control at all as the Council’s regular spray contractors down tools for the duration of the trial.

This is not what pesticide-free policies should look like. If anything smells fishy, it is the design of this trial. Has it – as Pesticide Action Network UK says – been “set up to fail”?

Many other effective alternatives exist, as PAN-UK point out, and are already in use in other European and UK cities. Indeed there are many hundreds of examples from around the world of towns and cities, both larger and smaller than Bristol, which have effective, sustainable, economic, non-chemical weed and pest control regimes in place. Pesticide-free is possible!

The Cotham trial could be a useful start, but what we really need is a full and thorough trial of all available non-chemical weed control options conducted city-wide.

Thanks to ‘vinegar-gate’, more people know that local authorities have a problem when it comes to dealing with plants in the wrong places. In Bristol and other urban areas, it can only be a matter of time before local politicians listen to public opinion and stop dousing our streets in unsafe chemicals.

 


 

Harriet Williams is a member of PlaySafe Bristol, part of the Pesticide Safe Bristol Alliance.

 

Chernobyl, genetic damage, and the UK nuclear bomb tests – justice at last?

The world has had 30 years to assess the consequences for life on Earth of the disaster at Chernobyl. This is about the same period during which I have studied the effects of radioactive pollution on the planet.

It was the radioactive rain in the mountains of North Wales, where I lived in 1986, that brought me into this strange Alice in Wonderland area of science, where people and children die, and the global authorities, advised by physicists, deny what would be obvious to a child at school.

Chernobyl was mentioned as the star that fell to earth in the Book of Revelations. You may laugh, and it may be a coincidence, but the impact of the event has certainly been of biblical proportions.

It is a story about the imposition by reductionist science on humanity of a version of the truth constructed from mathematics, not the only one, but perhaps the most important, since it involves the systematic destruction of the genetic basis of life. It is a story of lies, secrecy, power, assassination and money: the vast amounts of money that would be lost if the truth came out.

Shortly after the murder in 1992 of the German Green Party leader and anti-nuclear activist Petra Kelly, the late Prof Ernest Sternglass (the first of the radiation scientist/ activists) told me that Kelly had just struck a deal with a German TV company to run a series demonstrating the true awfulness of the immediate effects of radiation.

A dreadul global cover up begins

He said: if the truth came out, all the Uranium and the billions of dollars in Uranium shares would turn into sand. So something like a cover-up had to happen, and it did, continuing the process of chicanery and control of information that began with the nuclear weapons tests of the 50s and 60s.

In 1959, as the genetic effects of the atmospheric tests became apparent, the control of the understanding of radiation and health was wrested from the World Health Organization (WHO) and passed to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

Since then, no research on the health effects of radiation has been carried out by WHO, which has led to a permanent vigiloutside their headquarters in Geneva by the group Independent WHO.

The arguments about the health effects of Chernobyl have mostly centered on cancer. I won’t write much about cancer here. The study of radiation and cancer has many complications, including that the data is often suspect, the time lag between the cancer diagnosis and the original radiation exposure can be 20 years, in which time a lot can happen, introducing ammunition (and opportunity) for those denying causation.

The predictions of the global cancer yield of the Chernobyl contamination has ranged from around a million (as predicted independently by the European Committee on Radiation Risk (ECRR), Rosalie Bertell, John Gofman and me, to about 600,000 (Alexey Yablokov), to less than a few thousand (the International Commission on Radiological Protection (ICRP), whose risk model is the current basis for all legal constraints on radioactive releases in Europe.

Cancer: just one manifestation of the genetic damage caused by radiation

Cancer is caused by genetic damage but takes a while to show. More easily studied is the immediate and direct genetic damage, demonstrated in birth rates of congenital diseases, birth defects, fetal abnormalities, data which is easier to locate. The effects of a sudden increase in radioactive contamination are most easily seen in sudden increases in these indicators.

You don’t have to wait 20 years. Out they come after nine months or in aborted fetuses with their heart and central nervous system defects, their lack of hands and feet, their huge hydrocephalic heads, their inside-out organs, their cleft palates, cyclops eyes and the whole range of dreadful and usually fatal conditions. There is no argument, and the affair is in the hands of doctors, not physicists. The physicists of the ICRP base their risk of genetic effects on experiments with mice.

I was in Kiev in 2000 at the WHO conference on Chernobyl. On the podium, conducting the theatricals, were the top men in the IAEA (Abel Gonzalez) and the United National Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation (UNSCEAR), represented by Canadian Norman Gentner. “No effects can be seen” – Abel Gonzalez. “Internal radiation is the same as external” – Norman Gentner. Happily you can watch this farce as it was videotaped by a Swiss team (embed below).

So: cut to the chase, to the fatal assault on the edifice of the current ICRP radiation risk model. In January 2016 Prof Inge Schmitz Feuerhake, Dr Sebastian Pflugbeil and I published a major review paper on the genetic effects of radiation in the prestigious Korean peer-reviewed Journal of Environmental Health and Toxicology.

What the research shows is that in every corner of the ex-Soviet Union and Europe and even further afield where epidemiologists and pediatricians looked, there were large and statistically significant increases in congenital diseases at birth and in babies that were aborted.

The genetic risk that cascades through the generations

The new article recalculates the genetic risk from radiation based upon reports from Germany, Turkey, Greece, Croatia, Egypt, Belarus, Ukraine, Russia, Hungary, Italy, the UK, Scotland, Wales, indeed everywhere where anyone looked.

There was a sudden jump in birth defects immediately following the contamination from Chernobyl and in proportion; but only up to the point where the exposure was so great the babies died in the womb or miscarried early in pregnancy. Thus, the relation between exposure level and effect was not a simple one where the birth defects increased with exposure: after a critical level of exposure they leveled off, or indeed fell.

Also since contamination is still there, women are still giving birth to genetically damaged children some 30 years later. These results, published by many doctors, epidemiologists and researchers in many different journals, show that the effects occurred at levels of contamination that provided ‘doses’, that yardstick of radiation exposure invented by the ICRP, that were very low, often below the natural background dose.

It is worse: from research on the nuclear test site veterans’ grandchildren (also reviewed in the study) it is clear that these effects continue down the generations and will only disappear when an offspring dies without issue, and leaves the genome of the human race. And many will or already have done: since what causes genetic malformation in the infant, at a larger dose causes fetal death and infertility.

These facts now form the basis of the case of Britain’s nuclear test veterans, whose case I am representing in the High Court today. The UK government recklessly exposed them to a double blast of intense radiation from the gamma ray burst of nuclear bombs, and to the subsequent fallout, and has since washed their hands of the matter.

The vetermans’ demand is that the sacrifice they and their families made should be recognised, and fair compensation paid. The MOD has resisted their claim by fair means and foul, but finally the evidence is assembled and their case is being heard. Today’s hearing is largely procedural, and the substantive hearings are scheduled to take place for some two weeks of June.

The scientific fraud explained

No one can have failed to have noticed the increase in human infertility that has occurred since the radioactive contamination of the planet began in the 1950s. As ex-US Atomic Energy Commission scientists John Gofman wrote in 1981 “the nuclear industry is waging a war on humanity.”

So how can it be possible that the legislative system has got it so wrong? The answer is also given in the paper. It is that the concept of ‘dose’ which may be convenient for the physicists as it is simple to compute, really does not address the situation where the substances that provide the dose are inside the body, often bound chemically to the DNA, which is the acknowledged target for all these genetic effects.

It shows that the human genome (and of course that of all life) is exquisitely sensitive to radiation damage from such internal exposures, to Strontium-90, Plutonium-239, Uranium and particularly to the nano-particles containing these radioactive elements which were produced when the reactor No 4 blew apart.

The paper shows the studies of the Hiroshima bomb survivors, upon which the current unsafe radiation laws are based were faulty because the true comparison group, those not in the city at the time of the bombing, was abandoned when it began to look like there was a real effect. Was this stupidity? Was it a trick? Does someone have to go to jail?

Last month, Prof. Alexey Yablokov, Dr. Alex Rosen and I wrote to the editor of The Lancet, in a recorded delivery letter posted by the Independent WHO in Geneva, requesting space in that influential journal to draw attention to these truths and overturn the false and dangerous structures created by the physicists.

Let us all hope that some good will finally come of the disaster – that the real legacy of Chernobyl will be the understanding of the true danger to health of radioactive pollution.

And that Britain’s nuclear bomb test veterans, and their families, will finally receive the justice they so richly deserve.

 


 

Chris Busby is an expert on the health effects of ionizing radiation. He qualified in Chemical Physics at the Universities of London and Kent, and worked on the molecular physical chemistry of living cells for the Wellcome Foundation. Professor Busby is the Scientific Secretary of the European Committee on Radiation Risk based in Brussels and has edited many of its publications since its founding in 1998. He has held a number of honorary University positions, including Visiting Professor in the Faculty of Health of the University of Ulster. Busby currently lives in Riga, Latvia. See also: chrisbusbyexposed.org, greenaudit.org and llrc.org.

Study:Genetic Radiation Risks – A Neglected Topic in the Low Dose Dabate‘ by Busby C, Schmitz-Feuerhake I, Pflugbeil S is published in Environmental Health and Toxicology.

This article is an edited version of one originally published on RT.

Latest book: Christopher Busby (2015) ‘What is Life? On the origin and mechanism of living systems‘. QTP Publications. Illustrated by Saoirse Morgan. ISBN 978-0-9565132-1-2, 130pp. Order from Amazon UK (£10.00) or QTP publications 10 Bratwell Rd, Coleraine, BT51 4LB.

Note: The ECRR has focused on Chernobyl as a major data source for establishing the risk posed by radiation. It has concluded that the current ICRP model is in error by upwards of about 300-fold, for some types of internal exposures, by upwards of 1000-fold. This means that over the period of the radiation contamination, more than 60 million people have died from cancer as a result of the releases. This risk model is available on the website euradcom.eu.

 

Goodbye to democracy if TTIP is passed

Corporate control on both sides of the Atlantic will be solidified should the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership be passed.

Any doubt about that was removed when Greenpeace Netherlands released 13 chapters of the TTIP text, although the secrecy of the text and that only corporate representatives have regular access to negotiators had already made intentions clear.

Health, safety, environmental and food laws will all be at risk, with United States negotiators continuing to seek the elimination of European safeguards against genetically modified organisms.

But European Union negotiators, although as yet unable to find sufficient common ground with their US counterparts on some issues, are offering plenty of dubious language at the behest of European multi-national corporations.

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is very much similar to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, and although negotiations over it are apparently far from complete it is firmly in the TPP’s anti-democratic spirit. The Transatlantic Partnership, just like other ‘free trade’ agreements, has little to do with trade and much to do with granting the wish lists of corporate executives and financiers, complete with secret tribunals that can overturn legislation without appeal.

As is customary with ‘free trade’ agreements, the devil is in the details. What really lies within the dry, bureaucratic language is text that leaves little, if any, room for democratic control over a wide range of legislative oversight.

In part this is because the text uses words like ‘must’ and ‘shall’ for what signatory governments are expected to do on behalf of multi-national corporations but words like ‘may’ and ‘can’ when it comes to the very brief mentions of health, safety, environmental and labor concerns, and in part because of who will be interpret the text, and how.

Under existing ‘free trade’ agreements, the countries with stronger regulations, such as Canada under the North American Free Trade Agreement, are routinely ordered to overturn them as ‘barriers’ to trade. Smaller countries are routinely sued by multi-national corporations for attempting to safeguard sensitive environments or regulate tobacco, such as El Salvador’s attempt to protect its largest remaining water source from a gold mine.

These suits are not heard in ordinary courts, but rather in secret tribunals in which corporate lawyers who specialize in representing multi-national capital in international disputes switch hats and sit in judgment of similar cases as judges.

Governments must meet corporate expectations

Such one-sided rules are imbedded in the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership text. The leaked chapter on dispute settlement contains unmistakeable language. Multi-national corporations will be eligible to sue on the basis that “a benefit the Party could reasonably have expected to accrue to under this Agreement is being nullified or impaired.”

A series of rulings handed down by the secret tribunals in similar cases have established that an ‘investor’ is eligible to sue for any potential profits it asserts it would have earned had not a regulation it dislikes been in place.

The chapter goes on to set out the necessary qualifications of arbitrators, stating that they must have ‘expertise’ in the field. These ‘experts’ will almost inevitably be corporate lawyers as they fill the rosters of the secret tribunals. The clause that the judges “shall be independent and serve in their individual capacities” is a joke – these are people who have spent decades serving corporate clients and thoroughly absorb their clients’ perspective. That they have ‘officially’ switched hats is meaningless.

That there will be no appeal against judgements handed down is exemplified three pages later. It is EU negotiators who propose these two sentences: “The ruling/report of the panel shall be unconditionally accepted by the Parties” and “The Party complained against shall take any measure necessary to comply promptly and in good faith with the panel ruling.”

What these mean is that there can be no appeal against what tribunal panels consisting of three corporate lawyers decree and that laws must be changed immediately based on the secret tribunal’s ruling.

There is much more there. A reading of the chapter on sanitary and phytosanitary measures, which, inter alia, covers regulations on agriculture, can easily be interpreted to overturn bans on genetically modified organisms. Here is the chapter’s Article 11 as proposed by EU negotiators:

“1. Sanitary and phytosanitary procedures shall be established with the objective of minimizing negative trade effects and simplifying and expediting the approval and clearance process while ensuring the fulfillment of the importing Party’s requirements.

“2. The Parties shall ensure that all sanitary and phytosanitary procedures affecting trade between the parties are undertaken and completed without undue delay and that they are not applied in a manner which would constitute an arbitrary or unjustifiable discrimination against the other Party.”

Corporations would get last word on regulation

Despite the European Commission’s attempts to paint itself as heroically standing against US insistence on forcing GMOs on European consumers, this EU language could be interpreted to overturn bans on GMOs. That is especially so in the wake of the already agreed-upon language of Article 5, where we read:

“When issuing or submitting any final administrative decision for an SPS regulation, the Party shall make publicly available on the Internet an explanation of … any alternative identified through public comments, including by a Party, as significantly less restrictive to trade.”

Under this clause, governments must make the case on behalf of complaining corporations that want to eliminate a protective regulation! There is further language demanding that any new regulation be justified, including a requirement that a government explain why it did not adopt any alternatives that would be “less restrictive to trade.”

There is precedent here under the North American Free Trade Agreement, in which a tribunal, in ordering that Canada reverse a ban against PCBs, a carcinogen banned under two Canadian treaties, ruled that, when formulating an environmental rule, a government “is obliged to adopt the alternative that is most consistent with open trade.” So much for democracy!

There is also an agriculture chapter, which contains this sentence: “The Parties shall work together to facilitate the successful conclusion of agriculture negotiations in the WTO that substantially improves market access for agricultural goods.” All the activist work that prevented the conclusion of World Trade Organization talks over the past decade would be undone, and provide an additional opening for GMOs and the elimination of other safety rules.

Thus we should take with mounds of salt this public statement by European Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmström, issued on May 2:

“Any EU trade deal can only change regulation by making it stronger. … No trade deal will limit our ability to make new rules to protect our citizens or environment in the future. I am simply not in the business of lowering standards.”

Commissioner Malmström further asserts that “no, the EU industry does not have greater access to EU negotiating positions than other stakeholders.” That statement is on par with someone offering to sell you the Brooklyn Bridge and the Eiffel Tower.

The public-interest group Corporate Europe Observatory, upon successfully petitioning to receive documents from the European Commission, found that that of 127 closed meetings preparing for the Transatlantic Partnership talks, at least 119 were with large corporations and their lobbyists.

Although it is true that EU negotiators are sometimes at odds with their US counterparts, the EU has offered its share of anti-democratic measures, not inconsistent with the lack of accountability Europeans have come to expect from EU institutions.

Watchdog groups sound multiple alarms

In its latest assessment of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, Corporate Europe Observatory notes that the TTIP will negatively impact laws on both sides of the Atlantic, noting that “the new EU proposal on regulatory cooperation in TTIP does nothing, not even little, to address the upcoming democratic threats.” The Observatory says:

“Regulatory cooperation, on the surface a way to ‘harmonise’ rules across the Atlantic, could in practice weaken rules on protecting us against everything from toxic chemicals and unhealthy food, to wild speculation by banks. The European Commission recently published its new positions on this cooperation.

“The two chapters they released reveal the Commission is willing to change how it makes laws to favour trade and multinationals over all public interest considerations. Under regulatory cooperation trade officials will continue to negotiate our future and existing laws.

“This pushes contentious issues farther away from public scrutiny to be brokered over the coming years after TTIP is passed, giving big business lobby groups ample opportunities to influence the result of the decision-making.”

Other watchdog groups sound similar warnings. The Sierra Club, noting the words “climate change” never appear in the TTIP text, points out some of its environmentally destructive measures:

“Under the National Treatment terms of the leaked text, the U.S. Department of Energy would be required to automatically approve the export of liquefied natural gas to the EU. … Both the U.S. and the EU have proposed ‘regulatory cooperation’ rules that would undermine climate and environmental protections if they are deemed harmful to trans-Atlantic trade or investment.

“The U.S. has proposed that governments on both sides of the Atlantic should be required to review proposed regulations before enactment to pursue compliance with ‘international trade and investment obligations.’ The EU has proposed similar language.”

Compliance with “international trade and investment obligations” would mean conforming to the types of secret-tribunal decisions mentioned above. Friends of the Earth, in its review of the leaked text, provides this warning:

“Sensible regulatory safeguards, such as those related to food safety and toxic chemicals, among many others, would also be stymied. Industry-friendly, cost-benefit analysis would hamstring new environmental initiatives. For example, insecticide safety standards would be lowered if the undervalued ‘benefit’ of new regulations protecting the bees is outweighed by the ‘cost’ to corporate profits, thus threatening the pollinators necessary for our food system.”

Yep, it’s as bad as we thought it would be

The senior policy analyst for the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, Steve Suppan, in noting that predictions about the TTIP’s impact on agriculture “have been sadly confirmed”, wrote:

“The text shows the U.S. Trade Representative protecting corporate interests by shielding environmental, health and safety data used in TTIP risk assessment as confidential business information, preventing peer scientific review. The end result of the U.S. proposal would be increasing the burden on governments to justify food safety rules while placing no burden on industry to demonstrate that its products-including new kinds of GMOs, food or agri-nanotechnology products-are safe.”

What we have here is the ordinarily and normal course of capitalist logic. There is no real point to seeing something inherently evil in US or EU officials or their having some particular moral failing. These governments reflect the dominant interests within their countries, as is the case in all capitalist countries.

Large industrialists and financiers dominate their societies through control of the mass media and a range of other institutions to the point that their preferred policies become, through heavy repetition, the dominant ideas across society and the ideas adopted by political leaders intellectually and financially dependent on them.

Thus the recent revelations of NSA spying in Europe have had no effect on the Transatlantic Partnership negotiations. The talks began, on schedule, with embarrassing discussions of spying relegated to a ‘parallel’ track, separate from what really counts, the main negotiations to dismantle regulations.

The TTIP is quite consistent with the project of the EU: European capitalists’ desire to possess the ability to challenge the United States for economic supremacy, but who cannot do so without the combined clout of a united continent.

Working people on both sides of the Atlantic will be the losers if the TTIP passes, and that is underscored by the secrecy surrounding it. Capitalists, despite the competition among them, are united in their drive for complete domination and profits above all other human considerations.

We had better be united across borders in the necessary fight to first stop TTIP and other agreements under consideration, and then roll back those already in place.

 


 

Pete Dolack is an activist, writer, poet and photographer, and writes on Systemic Disorder. His forthcoming book ‘It’s Not Over: Lessons from the Socialist Experiment‘, a study of attempts to create societies on a basis other than capitalism, has just been published by Zero Books.

This article was originally published on Systemic Disorder.

 

 

Scientists must challenge poor media reporting on climate change

Ocean acidification is causing fundamental and dangerous changes in the chemistry of the world’s oceans.

Yet only one in five Britons has even heard of ocean acidification, let alone believes it a cause for concern.

Around 97% of climate scientists believe global warming is principally driven by human activity. Yet only 16% of the public know the expert consensus to be this strong.

These are just two examples of common misconceptions among the UK public on the science of climate change. When surveyed, many people report feeling unsure and confused about various aspects of the discipline.

Furthermore, they lack trust in scientists: in the wake of the IPCC’s fifth assessment report, nearly four in ten people felt that scientists were exaggerating concerns.

Are these realities any surprise when we see headlines such as Planet is not overheating, says professor and Scientists ‘are exaggerating carbon threat to marine life’ in the UK’s national media?

It was the former article that recently prompted a number of members of the House of Lords, including me, to write a letter to the editor of The Times, John Witherow. We highlighted the newspaper’s recent record of tendentious and misleading coverage of climate science (among many other articles, it must be said, that are worthy of the paper’s name and tradition).

Ill-informed speculation masquerading as science

The ‘not overheating’ article described a study suggesting there is no statistically valid evidence for man-made climate change – and therefore that the planet will not warm significantly by the end of the century. But the study was not conducted by a climate scientist and it ignored basic physical laws. It did not undergo scientific peer-review and it was funded by a climate-sceptic lobby group, the Global Warming Policy Foundation.

The fact that a newspaper of The Times‘ standing gave coverage to such a piece of research is both remarkable and deeply concerning. But it is not an isolated example. Instead it typifies a disturbing pattern in parts of the UK national media where there is an apparent determination to systematically undermine climate science and those conducting it – and to amplify marginal dissenting arguments even when they come with no evidence.

Our letter was intended to highlight the loss of credibility that inevitably comes with printing such stories. Indeed, it is precisely the failure of papers such as The Times to treat climate change properly that is prompting more informed readers to vote with their feet and turn to credible web-based news outlets such as BusinessGreen and Carbon Brief.

The media is changing rapidly and established papers such as The Times are competing for readers, credibility and eventually influence against smaller publications that are often producing better coverage.

The Times’ loss of credibility is its own problem. However, such articles raise wider concerns about the misunderstandings generated among the public, and the loss of trust in science.

The media remain important

These problems result because, despite the proliferation of new media, the established titles continue to play a very important role in perceptions of science. They form the principal conduit through which the public and politicians access scientific information, they provide a proxy for public debate and help set the tone – and often the agenda – for policy-making.

Thus poor-quality or slanted science reporting contributes, either unwittingly or wittingly, to the public misunderstanding of science.

Public misunderstanding of science can have serious consequences. In the early 1990s, The Sunday Times persisted in denying the link between HIV and AIDs after most other publications had acknowledged reality. An editorial in Nature described its reporting as “seriously mistaken, and probably disastrous”.

In the late 1990s and early 2000s, media outlets gave widespread coverage to the hypothesised link between the MMR vaccine and autism – coverage that has since been criticised as naïve and misleading.

It goes without saying that such misrepresentations of scientific knowledge run against the interests of society. People are unable to make informed decisions or to demand appropriate action from politicians.

In the MMR case, outbreaks involving more than 2,000 cases of measles in 2012 were attributed to years of under-immunisation following media misreporting of the MMR issue. In the case in hand, The Times‘ poor reporting on climate science has the potential to cause real harm.

Of course, there are uncertainties in climate science, but uncertainty should not be conflated with doubt. As Naomi Oreskes and Eric Conway have so clearly documented in their excellent book Merchants of Doubt, those who wish to undermine the credibility of scientific evidence, for instance the tobacco industry in relation to cancer and smoking, have systematically tried to turn ‘uncertainty’ into ‘doubt’.

Scientists need to hold media to account

So where does this leave us? Editors must be free to print what they want within the law, as a free press is vital for democracy. It is entirely right that scientists, like everyone else, are subject to questioning. Not all of us are angels – and not all research is good research. We are above neither the law nor legitimate journalistic scrutiny – and editors are quite within their rights to seek out divergent views.

But the key word here is ‘legitimate’. Scrutiny that is carried out in the public interest with the intention of uncovering genuinely bad practice is entirely fair; questions asked and articles slanted with the intention of promoting a specific argument are not. And even opinion articles must acknowledge the evidence, otherwise what are they but fiction?

Readers also have rights – and the right to object to distorted or biased coverage is one of them. I would argue that in the case of scientists, this extends far beyond being a right – it is virtually an obligation. In 2014, UK citizens invested about £10 billion in research and development.

If research is funded by the public, then it is the public’s right to have findings disseminated accurately. And as both the recipients of public funding and the individuals with expertise in these complex subjects, the onus is on us academics to ensure that research is properly communicated.

Engaging with the media is not to every scientist’s taste. The journalist’s world is a lot more feisty and less respectful than ours. But in the end, accurate reporting of science matters. Editors do respond to comments and criticism.

Scientists can and indeed must challenge poor reporting on climate change and, if enough of us do so regularly, it will improve – to the benefit of scientists, the public and indeed journalism itself.

 


 

John Krebs is Professor of Zoology, member of the UK Climate Change Committee, University of OxfordThe Conversation.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

 

One Earth, One Humanity, One Future

To celebrate the 50th anniversary of Resurgence, The Resurgence Trust is to hold a three-day conference at Worcester College, Oxford from 22 to 25 September, featuring leading figures from the worlds of environmental activism, social justice, spirituality and the arts. Tickets go on sale in early May.

More than 50 speakers are already confirmed, including the poet Simon Armitage; Jonathan Bate, author and Provost of Worcester College; Paula Byrne, literary biographer; the physicist and philosopher Fritjof Capra; the author Charles Eisenstein; Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall, chef and food campaigner; Mark Goldring, director of Oxfam, UK; the environmental artist Richard Long; Caroline Lucas, Britain’s first Green Party MP; the American environmental activist Bill McKibben; Michael Morpurgo, author and playwright; Jonathon Porritt, co-founder of Forum for the Future; the author Philip Pullman; David Puttnam, film-maker and educationalist; Vandana Shiva, environmental campaigner; Fiona Reynolds, Master of Emmanuel College, Cambridge and former director general of the National Trust; Chris Smith, former chair of the Environment Agency; and Rowan Williams, Master of Magdalene College, Cambridge and former Archbishop of Canterbury.

The event will also feature music, poetry and dance, a celebratory dinner, and a special Resurgence Trust members’ event with the editors of Resurgence & Ecologist magazine and our websites.
Satish Kumar, editor-in-chief of Resurgence & Ecologist, said: “The conference, One Earth, One Humanity, One Future, offers everyone attending the opportunity to celebrate the past 50 years of Resurgence and, more importantly, to look forward to the next 50 years.

The event will offer a broad palette of inspiring speakers, cutting-edge thinkers, thought-provoking conversations and stimulating panel discussions. Internationally recognised speakers will be travelling from across the globe to share their ideas, beliefs, messages and passions about environmental issues, social justice, spirituality and the arts.

The event programme and online tickets for the entire event or for individual sessions are available online.

Accommodation will be available at Worcester College.

Worcester College
Worcester College has one of the most impressive sites of any of the University of Oxford’s colleges. Though close to the city centre, it has extensive and beautiful gardens. It was founded in 1714 on the site of a college for Benedictine monks, dating back to 1283, of which some medieval buildings survive.

The gardens
Hidden behind the college walls are 26 acres of beautiful gardens, landscaped grounds and a lake. During the conference, the gardens and grounds will nourish the senses and offer a peaceful place in which to walk, relax and meet other Resurgence Trust members.

Food and accommodation
Worcester College has a long-standing reputation for having one of the finest kitchens among Oxford’s 38 constituent colleges. Food and refreshments will be available throughout the conference. There will be an opportunity to buy tickets for a special dinner in the college Hall.
Accommodation, including breakfast, is available for those wishing to stay in College during the conference. Rooms can be booked directly or via the conference booking site.

Oxford
Oxford is one of the oldest and most distinguished university cities in the world, and its college and other buildings, parks and gardens are extraordinarily beautiful. Worcester College is close to the internationally renowned Ashmolean Museum, as well as the Oxford Playhouse. There is a wide range of hotels, guest houses, restaurants, pubs and cafés in the city centre, and it has good public transport links.

To see our programme, find out about accommodation and buy tickets visit www.resurgence.org/R50event

 

TTIP is on the rocks. Let’s defeat these toxic trade deals!

Could things get any worse for TTIP?

On Monday the hugely damaging leak of consolidated texts confirmed exactly what everyone had feared about the deal, with all its massively pro-corporate provisions on display for everyone to see.

And then the following day the French government launched one of the most high profile attacks on TTIP that’s ever been seen. Whether TTIP survives these body blows is debatable, but it is almost fatally wounded.

Francois Hollande, the French president, is lagging in the polls and his threat to block TTIP could be seen as a gambit to shore up some votes. But it is a reflection of the popular mood in the country, where the media’s negative reporting on TTIP has soared in the past fortnight.

Hollande said at a conference that he could not accept “the undermining of the essential principles of our agriculture, our culture, of mutual access to public markets.”

France’s lead trade negotiator, Matthias Fekl, now thinks talks will be halted. He argues that the EU has bent over backwards to offer the US what it wants but the generosity has not been reciprocated.

TTIP backers must be livid – including Cameron!

This follows similar recent comments from Germany’s Economic Minister Sigmar Gabriel: “Whether we can reach a deal this year really depends on whether we can create trust in the process. And unfortunately, we are very far from creating trust in the process.”

These growing French and German concerns reflect the current state of negotiations, as revealed by the May Day leaks which indicate that the EU’s precautionary principle (not allow things on the market until proven safe) may be sacrificed in favour of the US so-called ‘scientific principle’ (don’t ban anything from sale until it is proven dangerous).

The news from France is already causing arguments and tension in the European Commission. The UK’s pro-‘free trade’ camp must be livid, with David Cameron having previously claimed that TTIP was his own idea.

Last year he announced he wanted to put rocket boosters under the negotiations. But now he’ll be wanting to fit stabilisers. Because these latest developments follow a series of disasters for TTIP.

We released papers last week that show that the UK government isn’t taking the corporate courts too seriously. In fact, the only risk assessment they’ve carried out on TTIP strongly advises the government that there are lots of risks and no benefits.

CETA – a Trojan horse for US corporations’ attack on Europe

Events have also been moving rapidly last week on CETA, an EU-Canada ‘free trade’ deal similar to TTIP that’s a lot closer to being ratified. CETA risks becoming a Trojan horse for TTIP, with many of the same provisions, including the infamous corporate court system.

Although the EU Commission has created a reformed version of this system in CETA, all the most notorious cases we cite would still be a problem under this ‘new’ system. So CETA is effectively a backdoor to TTIP, with any US corporation operating in Canada able to exploit its provisions to sue EU governments should they take decisions that may impact on expected profit margins.

In June the EU Council will see European governments come together to ratify CETA. Although final government approval is expected in September, the June meeting is the last chance for European governments to raise serious objections. It will then go to the EU parliament, where we expect a vote next January or February.

One problem with EU trade deals is that they can come into effect even without a vote in member parliaments. Under something known as ‘provisional implementation‘, the European Commission could bring CETA into effect before national parliaments have had the chance to debate – and reject – an international treaty.

This includes the now infamous corporate court system. In other words, a corporate case could be brought against the British government before Parliament has even ratified CETA. In fact, even if the British parliament voted CETA down, the corporate court system would still stay in effect for three years! The June meeting is the last chance governments have to block these processes.

Although we didn’t expect to win any victories at the Council, that’s all changed. First up, Romania, in dispute with Canada over visa issues, has threatened to veto CETA at the June meeting. Next, the Walloon parliament voted a critical motion on CETA that could tie the hands of the Belgian government and force it’s abstention. The Dutch parliament also voted last week in support of a non-binding motion to reject provisional implementation. The Netherlands might yet hold a referendum on CETA too.

With TTIP on its knees, we need to double our efforts to prevent this similarly toxic deal from being ushered in through the back door. With the EU referendum approaching, is David Cameron really going to attend an EU meeting and support the idea that CETA come into effect without a parliamentary vote?

We have two months to convince him that that’s a terrible idea.

It’s not EU versus US – it’s corporations versus people

There is a danger, however, in framing TTIP as a battle between the squabbling components of the EU and the US.

What is now clear is the sheer scale of opposition to ‘free trade’ deals in the US. All leading presidential candidates have expressed some opposition to the current free trade agenda, with even free trader Hillary Clinton saying she’s deeply uneasy. A new opinion poll shows only 18% of Americans support TTIP, down from 53% in 2014.

This matters because Obama only has eight months left in office and it seems unlikely that substantial progress will be made in that time. After that, the future is anyone’s guess. That’s a key reason Obama came to Germany last week – to speed things up.

But the US President was met by tens of thousands of protestors in Hannover – making clear that in Europe too, TTIP is toxic. The same opinion poll already quoted found 17% of Germans support TTIP – down from 55% two years ago. TTIP campaigning is reporting to have accelerated substantially in France, and it’s growing as an issue throughout Europe.

The truth is that TTIP and CETA are essentially means for the corporate world to impose its agenda on the rest of society. Negotiators on both sides are doing the bidding of a highly effective and well-resourced corporate lobby.

What now has TTIP and CETA in trouble is the continent-wide resistance of ordinary people in both Europe and North America. It is this transatlantic movement of peoples that can – and we believe will – defeat both of these toxic trade deals.

 


 

Action: Tell David Cameron that at the Council of Europe meeting in June, he must insist that the UK gets the chance to decide on toxic trade deals before they are implemented.

Guy Taylor is trade campaigner for Global Justice Now.

Nick Dearden is Director of Global Justice Now.

This article combines two original articles published by Global Justice Now.

 

From Hillsborough to pesticides: establishment cover-ups, lies and corruption

I felt a mixture of emotions last week as I watched the jubilant celebrations of the Hillsborough families being fully vindicated after their tireless 27-year battle for truth and justice.

I knew only too well the pure hell they have had to endure fighting a battle that they never should have had to – the continued strength and determination needed, and all the sacrifices involved in getting what they always knew was right accepted.

I therefore felt elated for them when I saw the outcome of the jury’s verdict – and the critical fact that there is no way that this verdict can be overturned or appealed.

But I also felt a total wave of despair because getting justice for all the rural residents that my pesticides campaign represents is something which still feels such a very long way off.

Last week’s scenes then reminded me of 14th November 2008 when I stood victorious on the steps of the High Court in London following the landmark ruling by a Judge that the Government had acted unlawfully in its policy on the use of pesticides in crop spraying, and that public health – in particular rural residents, like me, exposed to cocktails of pesticides from living in the locality of sprayed fields – is not protected.

In the statement I read out on the day I said that I felt fully vindicated by such a ruling as the Judge was the first person to actually properly consider the full evidence and arguments I had been presenting to the Government since 2001 and ruled in my favour unequivocally on every single one of the four grounds involved in the case.

The High Court judgment was extremely damaging to the Government, all its departments, officials and scientific advisors, responsible for pesticides, as it clearly confirmed what I had always said from the outset of my campaign – that the Government had fundamentally failed to protect people in the countryside from pesticides, and had also knowingly allowed residents to continue to suffer from adverse health effects – some of which had led to fatalities – without taking any action to prevent the exposure, risks and adverse impacts occurring.

I ended my statement outside the High Court by pointing out that I should not have had to have spent so many years of my life fighting to get the Government to do something on this when the evidence and arguments I identified were very clear from the outset and the Government should have acted when I first started to present the case in 2001.

But sadly, the victory was all too short-lived

The Hillsborough families made these same points this week in relation to their 27 year fight which they only had to continue fighting as a result of all the establishment cover ups, lies, corruption, false narratives, and simply not being listened to or believed. The disgraceful treatment of the Hillsborough families for so many years will now be forever marked in history as one of the biggest miscarriages of justice.

However, unlike the definitive justice that the Hillsborough families have finally received this week, the justice for rural residents was only short-lived, as following very heavy lobbying on the Government from the pesticides industry and big farming unions the Government appealed against the High Court Judgment in my favour.

That High Court ruling – that had found the Government was in breach of both EU law and Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights – clearly had massive legal and political implications on the Government involving issues of responsibility, accountability and liability, especially in relation to the many individuals and families living near crop fields who have suffered adverse health effects from crop spraying.

Furthermore, it was reported in the press at the time that the Government maintained that if the High Court Judgment stood then the “Government’s pesticide policy would be fundamentally undermined” and that the policy and approvals system “might even grind to a halt.” [1]

The Government no doubt would also have been mindful that, in addition, it would have cost the Government many millions not only in relation to lost income from the pesticide industry to the regulators, the CRD (who were the acting defendants in the legal case on behalf of the Government), but also in the threat of any potential legal action against the Government by the industry if new product approvals were no longer able to be granted, and/or if pesticides the Government had previously approved and that were subject to long approvals were no longer able to be used.

Therefore there was no doubt that the Government wanted the landmark High Court ruling overturned no matter what. And low and behold it was overturned in the Court of Appeal a mere eight months later in July 2009, but only as a result of very wrongly and bizarrely ignoring all my critical evidence and arguments and substituting it with the conclusions of a Government requested/funded report four years earlier in 2005.

A deliberate cover up?

Yet in reviewing a High Court judgment the Court of Appeal would have needed to have based its judgment on the same cogent case, detailed factual evidence and arguments that led to that landmark victory in the High Court, but it clearly did not.

The Court of Appeal Judgment was a complete whitewash and I said at the time it came out and will reiterate it again, the Government could not have wished for a better result than if it wrote the Judgment itself!

In fact it was clear to a number of those who attended the Court of Appeal hearing in May 2009 that the Judges came in with a pre-formed view, and did not display any genuine interest in the case, evidence and arguments presented by my side. But why did they come in with a pre-formed view? Was it indeed, as I always believed it to be, just part of the cover up?

Listening to the various statements being made this week by those involved in fighting for justice for the Hillsborough victims and how the cover up went right to the heart of the judicial system in this country then I am even further convinced that some sort of ‘arrangement’ was made to ensure my historic victory was quashed.

The Supreme Court subsequently refused permission to appeal. This was always highly questionable considering how bizarre and inaccurate the Court of Appeal Judgment was – as anyone who reads my six Witness Statements will see that it simply was not based on the cogent factual evidence and arguments I had presented, and that were in full support of the legal arguments involved in my case.

Human rights? You just be joking

I then tried to take the case to the European Court of Human Rights but it was simply not interested in the plight of residents and turned its back, just as it had done on one of the Hillsborough family’s when they had applied seeking justice in their case.

The Strasbourg Court had decided in October 2012 – nearly two and a half years after I had lodged my detailed 1785 page application – not to even consider the merits of the residents case and refused to give any reasons as to why.

I then discovered that this was in clear breach of Article 45 of the European Convention on Human Rights that states: “Reasons shall be given for judgments as well as for decisions declaring applications admissible or inadmissible.”

Hillsborough families QC Michael Mansfield, who is a supporter of my campaign, said to me in an email at the time that a decision without any reasons given for inadmissibility was “extraordinary” and advised me to “press hard for these.”

I did pursue the reasons – especially considering that crucially all the admissibility criteria had definitely been met – but over a year later and still with no explanation given to substantiate the court’s decision then I had to give up and walk away as dealing with that court was a nightmare in itself, and due to the very structure of it there was simply no one of any higher authority to go to regarding what happened.

In fact I have never admitted this in public before but my experiences with that wholly unaccountable court led me to initially consider ending it all, as I was left feeling even lower in life’s rankings than axe murderers, terror suspects, rapists, paedophiles and other criminals that the Strasbourg court often rules in favour of.

It seems the words ‘human rights’ have become synonymous with criminals rights and not those of the victims of crime or in this case of a flawed Government policy.

Fighting back

However, just like the Hillsborough families had done each time one door was slammed shut on their case, I was determined to fight on and so soon bounced back.

Indeed at the end of 2013 a review of the policy on pesticides that DEFRA Ministers had requested as a direct result of the originallandmark ruling in the High Court led to the Government finallyacknowledging that the risk assessment approach relied upon to date had been inadequate, as it publicly committed to various changes to the policy and approach for assessing the risks to people from agricultural pesticides.

Yet, despite again vindicating the crux of my critical campaign arguments (that residents are simply not covered by the existing short term bystander model), overall the changes Ministers committed to were still woefully inadequate. In any event, 2½ years on and the Government still does not appear to have implemented the changes it previously committed to do.

In fact, in relation to one of the key changes that Ministers committed to undertaking – that both acute and longer-term exposure assessments will be required for residents – DEFRA has recently stated it will not be expecting applicant companies to undertake any assessment for acute exposure. [2]

It is therefore a matter of fact that there is still no actual risk assessment for the real life exposure of rural residents who live in the locality of sprayed fields (however much DEFRA may try and insist there is), as the Government’s current approach continues to exclude entirely many of the exposure factors and routes that are necessary to include in the calculations for a residents specific exposure scenario.

Yet no pesticides should ever have been approved for use in the first place in the absence of all the necessary risks assessments being undertaken, as the relevant legislation is clear in that it must be established before a pesticide can be approved for use that there will be no immediate or delayed harmful effect on human health.

Facts and data ignored in favour of unevidenced industry assertions

The actual facts, evidence, and data of the reality of residents exposure, direct from residents themselves, has continued to be sidelined by regulators in favour of the unevidenced assertions of the manufacturers and producers of pesticides as to what they maintainthe exposure of residents involves!

Yet the primary concern of the pesticides industry has always clearly been to protect the sales of their products and related profits and to keep such pesticides being used.

Pesticides are obviously very big business. Sales of pesticides in the UK alone each year is around £627 million [3] and reports have put the value of the world pesticides industry at around a staggering $53 billion.

Therefore it has never been in the interests of the pesticide corporations to have the real life exposure of rural residents and communities properly recognised, as it is absolutely clear that if a proper assessment was undertaken to assess the exposure and risk for residents, then the result would be that pesticides would simply not be allowed to be approved at all for use in the locality of residents’ homes, as well as schools, children’s playgrounds etc.

There is also a striking and astonishing fact related to the continued reliance of the regulators on the unevidenced assertions of the pesticides industry – in that the Chemicals Regulation Directorate (CRD) which is part of the Health and Safety Executive (HSE), receives approximately 60% of its funding from the agro-chemical industry.

This is broken down into the fees charged to manufacturers for applications, and a charge on the UK turnover of pesticide companies. [4] This results in the CRD receiving around £7 million or more per year from the industry. This has always been a completely inappropriate structure.

Therefore, even though CRD’s main priority is supposed to be to protect public health and the environment from pesticides, this absolutely conflicts with the fact that its main customers/clients are the big agro-chemical giants.

This may go some way to explaining why the CRD has always, very notably, been far more concerned with the protection of industry and business interests, particularly applicants for approval, rather than the protection of the public, especially residents.

CRD and pesticides industry behind latest outrageous EU proposal

In fact, the CRD, along with representatives of the pesticides industry, appear to be behind the astonishing proposal currently being considered in Europe – in a EC draft Technical Guidance [5] – to interpret pesticides being applied in “closed systems” and “in other conditions excluding contact with humans” as being applicable to the outdoor use of pesticides from crop spraying applications on fields in the open air.

This is in order for the exposure of residents to then be deemed so low and insignificant that it is included within the context of the term“negligible exposure.”

This is yet again outrageous, especially considering that EU law already recognises that the exposure for residents living in the locality of pesticide sprayed fields is high, as residents are now specifically defined as a “vulnerable group” in Article 3, paragraph 14, of the EU Regulation 1107/2009, which clearly recognises and clearly states that residents are “subject to high pesticide exposure over the long term.”

Thus what is currently being considered in Europe is again not in line with existing EU laws, in which residents exposure cannot possibly be considered as “negligible”.

My campaign is battling hard in Europe to try and get these proposals scrapped.

A catalogue of adverse health impacts

It is now beyond dispute that pesticides can cause a wide range of both acute, and chronic, adverse effects on human health. This includes irreversible and permanent chronic effects, illnesses and diseases.

High quality, peer-reviewed scientific studies and reviews have concluded that long-term exposure to pesticides can disturb the function of different systems in the body, including nervous, endocrine, immune, reproductive, renal, cardiovascular, and respiratory systems.

Such studies have concluded that exposure to pesticides is associated with a wide range of chronic diseases including, cancers of the breast, prostate, lung, brain (including childhood brain cancer), kidney, testicles, pancreas, oesophagus, stomach, bladder, bone, as well as non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma, multiple myeloma, soft tissue sarcoma, leukaemia, (including childhood leukaemia).

Other chronic health impacts that pesticides have been associated with in studies include, birth defects, reproductive disorders, neuro degenerative diseases (including Parkinson’s, Alzheimer’s, Amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS)), cardio-vascular diseases, respiratory diseases, diabetes, chronic renal diseases, and autoimmune diseases (such as rheumatoid arthritis, and systemic lupus erythematous).

Such findings add further support and vindication to the many residents who have continued to raise concerns over the association of pesticides and such chronic conditions.

The most common chronic long-term effects, illnesses and diseases reported to my campaign from residents living in the locality of crop sprayed fields include neurological conditions such as Parkinson’s disease, Motor Neurone Disease, and neurological damage, as well as various cancers, especially those of the breast and brain, leukaemia, non-Hodgkins lymphoma, amongst many other chronic conditions.

The economic costs of the health conditions that pesticides can cause are massive. Obviously it goes without saying that the personal and human costs to those suffering chronic diseases and damage, and the impacts on all those around them, cannot be calculated in financial terms.

I myself have also known a number of residents lose their lives, or the lives of their husbands or wives, sons or daughters. It has been heart breaking to watch this happening, especially knowing that if pesticides were not sprayed in the locality of residents’ homes then such health conditions would have been totally preventable.

Real effects, real people

Take Douglas Lee, for example. Douglas and his family lived in the locality of pesticide sprayed fields. Douglas lost his son to leukaemia and had also previously recorded three other cases of leukaemia, seven cases of cancer and six neurological diseases from just 50 properties in his area.

In addition, he reported that several dogs which walked through fields shortly after crop spraying had died from cancer, and that entire ponds of fish had also died following spraying. Douglas himself subsequently succumbed to cancer a few years ago. I spoke to him two weeks before he died and he asked me to use his name and to carry on campaigning on behalf of all those affected. Mrs Lee lost both her husband and her son.

There is also the tragic case of Keren Robbins. She was subjected to years of pesticide spraying in the locality of her home, while suffering from both a neurological condition, and Multiple Chemical Sensitivity (MCS).

Keren was left feeling so powerless to stop the chemical onslaught that, after a spraying application in 2009 in which she suffered further adverse effects on her health, she took her own life by jumping in front of a train. Her husband was left utterly devastated at the loss of his wife.

Millions of rural citizens have been put in a massive guinea pig-style experiment, for which many of us residents have had to suffer the serious, devastating – and in some cases fatal – consequences. There are so many horrific stories of people being poisoned from crop spraying in the locality of their homes and many involve children.

Despite this – and despite the fact the primary duty of any Government is supposed to be to protect its people – successive Governments’ have continued to fail to act to secure the protection of rural residents from exposure to these harmful chemicals.

They have instead just continued to shift the goalposts, cherry picked the science to suit the desired outcome (of maintaining the status quo wherever possible), and misled the public over the safety of crop pesticides sprayed on UK fields – as there has never been anyevidence of safety for residents, or children attending schools near sprayed fields, just successive Governments’ own unfounded assertions.

Disgraceful ‘Honour’ for failing to protect people from poisons

The most recent outrageous development in relation to this issue has been the disgraceful MBE awarded to a Government official, Paul Hamey, who has been at the very heart of the long standing and catastrophic failure to protect rural residents from exposure to the cocktails of poisons sprayed on crops across the UK.

Mr. Hamey was the official that represented the Government in the legal proceedings and wrote/produced the majority of the Witness Statements on its behalf.

The fact that he was given the responsibility of representing in the UK courts the policy approach taken by DEFRA – and in doing so he was really defending his own work, as the official in charge of human exposure and risk assessment – only further demonstrated the influence he has on the policy decisions taken by DEFRA.

Therefore awarding him an MBE just adds further insult to injury to all those affected from the lack of duty of care in protecting people in rural areas and it goes way beyond rewarding for failure. This is rewarding someone directly involved with one of the biggest public health scandals of our time, and which can only be described as a national disgrace.

It would actually be akin to an MBE or other such honour being given to David Duckenfield who was the senior police officer and match commander during the fateful match at Hillsborough on 15th April 1989 and who has now been held fully responsible by the inquest jury this week due to a clear breach of his duty of care.

Following an objection I made regarding Paul Hamey’s MBE I was assured by the Cabinet Office that there would now be an “assessment”. [6] However, it is ludicrously being assessed by the same Government department that nominated him to receive the honour in the first place! So what are the chances of it being revoked? Not much.

Truth and Justice

Following the Hillsborough verdict this week the Home Secretary, Theresa May, said in a statement in the House of Commons that the Hillsborough families have faced “hostility and obfuscation. And the authorities that should have been trusted have laid blame and tried to protect themselves instead of acting in the public interest…..But the families have never faltered in their pursuit of the truth.”

One of the leading campaigners of the Hillsborough families, Trevor Hicks, said following the jury’s verdict, I think if anyone is a winner today, it’s society at large in that, no matter who you are, how big you are, or where you are in your organisation, the public will come after you if you do anything wrong.”

The long fought justice for the Hillsborough families gives heart to all of us fighting for the truth and justice of an appalling scandal that has destroyed human lives. It is now very long overdue for other such scandals and cover ups to be fully recognised and acted on.

Many rural residents are waiting for the day we get a Hillsborough-style victory for the ‘double injustice’ we have endured from: firstly being poisoned by the Government’s very own policy; and then having to fight for years for recognition of the damage caused and for the necessary protection to prevent other families suffering the same.

Despite all the great difficulties involved with continuing to campaign, including the many obstacles presented by the ‘agents of self-interest’ – regulators, politicians, the big business players of the pesticide industry and farming unions, and even state and EU funded charities and NGOs – I shall carry on doing my best to get that result.

 


 

Georgina Downs is a journalist and campaigner. She has lived next to regularly sprayed crop fields for more than 30 years and runs the UK Pesticides Campaign.

This article was originally published on CounterPunch.

References

1. These quotes appeared in various articles in the UK in May 2009, including Farmers Weekly.

2. As stated by David Williams from DEFRA in an email dated 20th September 2015, and again in an email from Adrian Dixon, Head of Policy, CRD, on 15th January 2016.

3. Taken from an email from the finance department of the Chemicals Regulation Directorate (CRD) on 25th September 2012 confirming this figure.

4. Source: paragraph 3.1 of a 2011 DEFRA document.

5. European Commission draft Technical Guidance on points 3.6.3. to 3.6.5 of Annex II to Regulation (EC) No 1107/2009, in particular regarding the demonstration of negligible exposure to an active substance in a plant protection product under realistic conditions of use. The latest draft is November 2015 which is unpublished.

6. As stated in a letter dated 14th. March 2016 from the Honours Diversity and Outreach Co-ordinator at the Cabinet Office.

 

Leaked TTIP papers reveal 100% corporate sellout

Greenpeace Netherlands has released a huge cache of secret documents from the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations on its specially created ttip-leaks.org website.

The leaked papers show that EU negotiators are prepared to drop hard won environmental protections to secure a deal, while measures to tackle climate change would be trumped every time by trade and investment rules.

In addition the ‘precautionary principle’ is abandoned in favour of a US-style ‘risk based’ approach to health and environmental regulation on chemicals, drugs, GMOs and other potential hazards, while environmental and consumer protection are consistently sidelined in favour of big business.

“These documents make clear the scale and scope of the trade citizens of the United States and the European Union are being asked to make in pursuit of corporate profits”, said Sylvia Borren, Executive Director Greenpeace Netherlands.

“It is time for the negotiations to stop, and the debate to begin. Should we be able to act when we have reasonable grounds to believe our health and wellbeing is at risk, or must we wait until the damage is done?”

According to BBC News today, France’s trade minister Matthias Fekl said a freeze in the TTIP talks was the “most likely option in view of the United States’ state of mind today”, adding that Europe was offering a lot with little in return.

“It is an agreement which, as it would be today, would be a bad deal”, he said on French radio, commenting on the leaked papers. “It cannot be agreed without France and even less so against France.”

Climate change, environmental protection omitted

Coming just months after COP21 and days after the signing of the Paris Agreement, the TTIP texts carry an extraordinary omission: climate change. Nothing indicating climate protection can be found in the obtained texts, indicating that where climate protection clashes with any provision that is in the text it will be overruled.

Worse, the scope for climate mitigation measures is directly limited by provisions of the chapters on Regulatory Cooperation or Market Access for Industrial Goods. As an example these proposals would rule out regulating the import of CO2 intensive fuels such as oil from Tar Sands.

“Were our governments serious in Paris when they said they would do what was necessary to protect the planet, and keep climate change under 1.5 degrees?”, asks Borren.

In addition none of the chapters appear to reference the so-called ‘General Exceptions’ rule. This nearly 70-year-old rule enshrined in the GATT agreement of the World Trade Organization (WTO), allows nations to regulate trade “to protect human, animal and plant life or health” or for “the conservation of exhaustible natural resources”.

The omission of this regulation suggests both sides are deliberately creating a regime that systematically places profit ahead of human, animal and plant life and health, and the future of our planet itself.

The end of the precautionary principle?

The precautionary principle, enshrined in the EU Treaty, is not mentioned in the chapter on Regulatory Cooperation, nor in any other of the obtained 12 chapters.

Detailed in Article 191 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (EU), the Principle aims at ensuring a high level of environmental protection through preventative decision-taking in the case of risk. That means, for example, that there should be strong evidence that a new chemical or genetically modified seed should be safe in the environment before it may be released.

Instead, taking the place of the precautionary principle is the ‘risk based’ approach adopted by the USA that aims to manage hazardous substances rather than avoid them, as explicitly cited in various chapters.

According to Greenpeace, “This approach undermines the ability of regulators to take preventive measures, for example regarding controversial substances like hormone disrupting chemicals. Environmental protection should not be seen as a barrier to trade, but as a safeguard for our health, and the health of future generations.”

Opening the door for corporate takeover

While the proposals threaten environmental and consumer protection, big business gets what it wants. The document contain proof that corporations were invited to participate in formulating negotiating positions and permitted to intervene from the earliest stages of the decision making process.

“While civil society has had little access to the negotiations, there are many instances where the papers show that industry has been granted a privileged voice in important decisions”, says Greenpeace.

“The leaked documents indicate that the EU has not been open about the high degree of industry influence. The EU’s recent public report has only one minor mention of industry input, whereas the leaked documents repeatedly talk about the need for further consultations with industry and explicitly mention how industry input has been collected.”

Sylvia Borren commented: “We call on the negotiators to release the latest, complete text to facilitate that discussion, and we ask that the negotiations be stopped until these questions, and many more have been answered. Only then can we fully engage in a debate about the standards we and our planet need and want.”

The documents – what’s there?

The documents that Greenpeace Netherlands has released comprise about half of the draft text as of April 2016, prior to the start of the 13th round of TTIP negotiations between the EU and the US (New York, 25-29 April 2016).

As far as we know the final document will consist of 25 to 30 chapters and many extensive annexes. The EU Commission published an overview stating that they have now 17 consolidated texts. This means the documents released by Greenpeace Netherlands encompass three quarters of the existing consolidated texts.

Consolidated texts are those where the EU and US positions on issues are shown side by side. This step in the negotiation process allows us to see the areas where the EU and US are close to agreement, and where compromises and concessions would still need to be made.

Of the documents released by Greenpeace Netherlands, in total 248 pages, 13 chapters offer for the first time the position of the US.

 


 

More information and documents: ttip-leaks.org.

Action:Demand a vote on TTIP and CETA‘ by Global Justice Now.

Oliver Tickell is Contributing Editor at The Ecologist.

 

UK-US air transports of high enriched uranium: global security at risk for commercial gain

There has been a recent flurry of media reports suggesting that a proposed transport of radioactive materials from the Caithness Dounreay site to the United States could be sent by plane.

The reports note the surprise upgrade of Wick John O’Groats Airport through an £8 million cash injection from the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority (NDA).

This follows from the Global Nuclear Security Summit in Washington DC at which, on 31st March, the US and UK Government announced a deal under which 700kg of un-irradiated Highly Enriched Uranium (HEU) – categorised by the NDA as ‘exotic fuels’ and safely stored at Dounreay – would be transported to the United States in exchange for US nuclear material being sent to Europe for conversion into medical isotopes for diagnosing cancer.

The deal was trumpeted as a ‘win-win’ for both parties – the United States has more capacity to store and process the HEU, while France and Belgium get ‘beneficial’ nuclear materials that will help save lives in the fight against cancer. What is not to like in such a deal?

But digging a little deeper makes the deal look like a purely commercial decision suiting the UK, US and European nuclear industries – and one that creates a real and serious security risk.

The NDA-owned HEU at Dounreay, which comprises around a tonne of radioactive material, is made up of oxide powders, pellets and some uranium metal and alloys with varying levels of weapons enrichment that present difficulties for long-term disposability. Whether it is transported by sea, or even by air, there is real concern over the potential for an accident or a malicious attack that would put the public at risk.

How many nuclear weapons could be made if such material got into the wrong hands? Why risk global nuclear security by transporting this waste across the Atlantic by air? Why is the nuclear industry getting involved in upgrading airports? And what makes this particular transport of such importance?

Strong local opposition to rail shipments

Previously, despite local opposition, NDA had been sending these materials out by rail as part of a long series of transports moving it from Dounreay to Sellafield for long-term management and storage.

These transports have been subject to considerable criticism from local pressure groups like Highland Against Nuclear Transports (HANT) group and Cumbrians Opposed to a Radioactive Environment (CORE), as well as Scottish and English members of Nuclear-Free Local Authorities (NFLA).

The first stage of these transports has taken place over the rail network, much of which is single track and in remote rural locations. In the last six months the NDA has also moved to look at transporting the materials by sea from Scrabster in Caithness to Barrow in Cumbria. NFLA have again been concerned over a sea transport travelling through one of the most difficult shipping routes in the British Isles. This at a time when there is no emergency towing vehicle on the west coast of Scotland (the nearest is stationed at Orkney).

In meetings held between the NFLA Scotland Forum and Dounreay / NDA staff, considerable concern was raised by councillors and council officers over the safety and security of these transports, the risks of an accident or malicious incident involving them, and the lack of any information provided to the local Councils on the route of the transports.

Without any further discussion, and garnering only a brief reference in the NDA’s Strategy consultation that Dounreay HEU may be ‘transferred to a third party’, it appears the previous public consultation processes – which were already fairly inadequate – have been ditched in favour of removing much of the materials to the United States in, as the BBC called it, “the largest ever such movement of nuclear waste”.

No mention had previously been made of the US link and no specific public information has been provided to consultees.

NFLA are writing to NDA to now clarify how many transports, whether by sea or by air, will have to take place, and whether there will be any public consultation on this. It also wants to know what programmes the HEU arises from at Dounreay – such as nuclear submarine fuel, fuel for nuclear weapon warheads or from other military nuclear programmes.

And it would like to know why £8 million will be spent on Wick John O’Groats Airport, when its commercial use as an airport is limited compared, for example with the main air hub in the Highlands of Scotland, at Inverness.

All this nuclear risk for a grubby commercial deal?

It now appears that the NDA plan is to transport the HEU to the US private sector facility Nuclear Fuel Services at Erwin in Tennessee in what NFLA believe should be seen as a commercial deal between the UK and US.

The NFS facility is where Russian uranium, from HEU, was made into fuel for commercial reactors operated by the Tennessee Valley Authority (owned by the federal government). It is unknown if the Dounreay material would end up going to TVA or other site reactors for use.

The Dounreay HEU is likely to be blended into Low Enriched Uranium (LEU) and potentially used as nuclear fuel in commercial nuclear power plants. It looks like the material coming the other way is actually not specifically linked to the UK, but is rather going to France and Belgium, where their research reactors need HEU, some of which could be used to make medical isotopes.

However, as an article in wired.com notes, other states like Australia are already making medical isotopes out of low enriched uranium – so why is HEU being sent from the US to France and Belgium at all, when LEU could be used instead?

From the US perspective this is simply a commercial deal aimed at supplying nuclear power fuel. On the UK end, it appears to be little more than a nuclear waste-dumping deal. Despite the politically inspired rhetoric from both governments, it remains hard to see the nuclear proliferation benefits of taking safely stored and managed HEU, and transporting it by air from one nuclear weapon state to another.

The answers we need – and are not getting

There are a number of other important specific questions about this deal which also need answers, including:

  • What is the percent enrichment of the HEU?

  • What is the actual ‘swap’ for HEU to medical isotope reactors?

  • As part of any deal, will the US no longer advocate conversion of medical isotope reactors to LEU?

  • How much money is exchanging hands in this deal? Will the deal have to be subsidised or will the fuel value of the HEU pay for it?

  • At what point in the transit does waste from Dounreay become a commercial product in the US? Only after it’s converted to fuel?

  • What are the waste streams in the US and how will they be disposed of and who pays?

  • In the US, where is the environmental impact documentation on the import?

  • What type of export and import licenses are needed from regulatory authorities for this commercial deal? Both in the UK and US the Governments appear to be doing this under the cover of a government-to-government non-proliferation deal which may allow them to avoid obtaining licenses. That looks to us like poor radioactive waste management practice.

NFLA is writing to the NDA and the UK Government to clarify such matters, and it is encouraging American environmental NGOs to do the same of the US authorities.

The waste should not be moved!

We firmly believe the radioactive waste at Dounreay should rather be stored on-site and not be subject to such excessive levels of high-risk transportation.

These transports will continue to be undertaken in a secretive manner, with local authority emergency planning units unlikely to be informed, but whose units would almost certainly have to be involved in the event of a serious accident or incident. And all this has been done without an iota of public consultation.

We call for this deal to be cancelled forthwith. The waste should be stored on-site at Dounreay and not moved over 6,000 miles away. These cosy relations between nuclear weapon states need to be robustly challenged. It is simply not right to dump our radioactive waste legacy on to another country whilst suggesting we are also against the proliferation of such nuclear materials.

The US and UK governments should not be saying we are preventing nuclear terrorism on one side, while potentially opening nuclear material up to such groups by transporting it thousands of miles instead. It is hypocritical to say the least. And in terms of openness and transparency and full public consultation, this deal has been anything but, using a ‘smokescreen’ of cancer-saving materials going the other way to justify the deal.

NFLA will work with other relevant UK and US groups to publicise these concerns – Ecologist readers and the wider public need to know what is really going on.

 


 

Councillor Ernie Galsworthy is the UK and Ireland Nuclear-Free Local Authorities (NFLA) Steering Committee Chair. The NFLA would like to acknowledge with thanks input from Tom Clements of Savannah River Site Watch, Martin Forewood of CORE Cumbria and Tor Justad of HANT for their contributions to this article.