Monthly Archives: January 2017

Food Waste – who’s to blame?

As consumers we have a habit of buying too much food, often more than we can consume within specified use-by dates. This leads to mountains of food being ditched in the bin – adding to waste and impacting on resources such as energy, water and manpower, not to mention the impact on global warming.

Around 795 million people go hungry on any given day around the world, yet if we all did more to alleviate food waste we could get closer to dealing with world hunger. In one year a third of all food produced globally is binned; that’s 1.3 billion tons in weight, worth more than $1 trillion.

A new study conducted by SaveOnEnergy has revealed that the average American wastes enough food in a year to power a lightbulb for two weeks yet according to the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) global hunger could be alleviated if just 25 percent of food wasted each year was saved instead.

Rachel Wallach, a spokesperson for the Creative Team at SaveOnEnergy.com, which produced this report, says: “The majority of food waste in the U.S. comes from homes. Consumers generate a whopping $144 billion worth of discarded food, so taking steps to reduce waste can start at home. Composting, a common method of recycling organic material, can convert food waste into humus. This can then be used to nourish growth in gardens and crops. Consumers can also plan meals in advance to only buy necessary groceries and rearrange the fridge so the most perishable items are in front and in reach!

“Recycling all materials is important for the environment and the economy, but food waste is often overlooked. Food loss along the production line is also a key  contributor to waste but most food wastage tends to occur at the consumer level. Consumers stock up their refrigerators with more food than they can eat before recommended “best-by” dates. As a result, a large portion of uneaten food is thrown out and replaced by more food– which may later go uneaten.”

In the UK 10 million tonnes of food is wasted each year, with 50% of that coming from our own homes according to the website lovefoodhatewaste.com.

The UK Government is working with the Waste and Resources Action Programme (WRAP) and businesses on voluntary agreements to reduce food and packaging waste but more could be done to bring in a recognised framework to reduce food waste from homes and businesses.

The main culprits for ending up in the garbage pile are dairy products, fresh fruit and vegetables, however these foods can all be composted so easily, putting nutrients back into the soil. It could also be turned into biogas as a fuel, or used as animal feed.

Currently in America just nine of the top 25 most populated cities have some form of food waste policy. A Mandatory Commercial Organics Recycling law was recently passed in California which requires all businesses to recycle their organic waste, with the Californian Government initiative CalRecycle including online resources that help consumers manage food waste. Workshops have also been taking place in support of a newly proposed Food Waste Prevention Grant Program.

Austin, Texas is also leading the war on waste as voters unanimously called for a city ordinance that requires all restaurants to sort their compostable waste.

Many businesses in New York City have taken part in a Zero Waste Challenge. For this initiative restaurants composted organic waste, trained chefs to improve meal planning, reduced the amount of food produced after peak periods, and donated surplus food to an NGO that provides meals to the city’s homeless shelters. An incredible 37,000 tonnes of waste was diverted thanks to the 31 companies that took part in the challenge, more than 24,5000 tonnes of organic material was composted and 322 tonnes of food was donated.

A list of organisations working to fight food waste in the US can be found here.

In developed countries the main contributor to food waste is consumers who make up 43 % of the problem. This cycle of buying too much and then throwing food away could waste as much as 74 billion pounds of food a year.

All the way along the supply chain food is being thrown with less than 10% of food waste generated by consumer-facing businesses and consumers is recycled annually – that’s around 52 million tonnes.

Just small changes can make a huge impact to the level of food waste created.

In Europe better policies are needed according to a recent report by the European Court of Auditors.

In the UK, Wrap offers guidance on lessening food waste and America has the Food Waste Alliance.

Read Saveonenergy.com’s full report on food waste in America here.

For advice on how we as consumers can minimize the amount of food waste we produce, visit http://www.lovefoodhatewaste.com/

This Author

Laura Briggs is the Ecologist UK-based news reporter. You can follow her here @WordsbyBriggs

 

 

 

Food Waste – who’s to blame?

As consumers we have a habit of buying too much food, often more than we can consume within specified use-by dates. This leads to mountains of food being ditched in the bin – adding to waste and impacting on resources such as energy, water and manpower, not to mention the impact on global warming.

Around 795 million people go hungry on any given day around the world, yet if we all did more to alleviate food waste we could get closer to dealing with world hunger. In one year a third of all food produced globally is binned; that’s 1.3 billion tons in weight, worth more than $1 trillion.

A new study conducted by SaveOnEnergy has revealed that the average American wastes enough food in a year to power a lightbulb for two weeks yet according to the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) global hunger could be alleviated if just 25 percent of food wasted each year was saved instead.

Rachel Wallach, a spokesperson for the Creative Team at SaveOnEnergy.com, which produced this report, says: “The majority of food waste in the U.S. comes from homes. Consumers generate a whopping $144 billion worth of discarded food, so taking steps to reduce waste can start at home. Composting, a common method of recycling organic material, can convert food waste into humus. This can then be used to nourish growth in gardens and crops. Consumers can also plan meals in advance to only buy necessary groceries and rearrange the fridge so the most perishable items are in front and in reach!

“Recycling all materials is important for the environment and the economy, but food waste is often overlooked. Food loss along the production line is also a key  contributor to waste but most food wastage tends to occur at the consumer level. Consumers stock up their refrigerators with more food than they can eat before recommended “best-by” dates. As a result, a large portion of uneaten food is thrown out and replaced by more food– which may later go uneaten.”

In the UK 10 million tonnes of food is wasted each year, with 50% of that coming from our own homes according to the website lovefoodhatewaste.com.

The UK Government is working with the Waste and Resources Action Programme (WRAP) and businesses on voluntary agreements to reduce food and packaging waste but more could be done to bring in a recognised framework to reduce food waste from homes and businesses.

The main culprits for ending up in the garbage pile are dairy products, fresh fruit and vegetables, however these foods can all be composted so easily, putting nutrients back into the soil. It could also be turned into biogas as a fuel, or used as animal feed.

Currently in America just nine of the top 25 most populated cities have some form of food waste policy. A Mandatory Commercial Organics Recycling law was recently passed in California which requires all businesses to recycle their organic waste, with the Californian Government initiative CalRecycle including online resources that help consumers manage food waste. Workshops have also been taking place in support of a newly proposed Food Waste Prevention Grant Program.

Austin, Texas is also leading the war on waste as voters unanimously called for a city ordinance that requires all restaurants to sort their compostable waste.

Many businesses in New York City have taken part in a Zero Waste Challenge. For this initiative restaurants composted organic waste, trained chefs to improve meal planning, reduced the amount of food produced after peak periods, and donated surplus food to an NGO that provides meals to the city’s homeless shelters. An incredible 37,000 tonnes of waste was diverted thanks to the 31 companies that took part in the challenge, more than 24,5000 tonnes of organic material was composted and 322 tonnes of food was donated.

A list of organisations working to fight food waste in the US can be found here.

In developed countries the main contributor to food waste is consumers who make up 43 % of the problem. This cycle of buying too much and then throwing food away could waste as much as 74 billion pounds of food a year.

All the way along the supply chain food is being thrown with less than 10% of food waste generated by consumer-facing businesses and consumers is recycled annually – that’s around 52 million tonnes.

Just small changes can make a huge impact to the level of food waste created.

In Europe better policies are needed according to a recent report by the European Court of Auditors.

In the UK, Wrap offers guidance on lessening food waste and America has the Food Waste Alliance.

Read Saveonenergy.com’s full report on food waste in America here.

For advice on how we as consumers can minimize the amount of food waste we produce, visit http://www.lovefoodhatewaste.com/

This Author

Laura Briggs is the Ecologist UK-based news reporter. You can follow her here @WordsbyBriggs

 

 

 

The Crisis of Leadership

The biggest crisis in the world today is not what fills our headlines – climate change, genocide, terrorism, environmental degradation – but a lack of wise, systems-minded leadership. As we appear to be ever-more surrounded by expanding and accelerating problems to which our existing answers are inadequate, and a newly-inaugurated US president who seems to amplify what is broken, we have to ask ourselves: what are we doing wrong?

Broken systems are founded in unconscious mindsets; in particular, the cumulative actions of large numbers of people who don’t see that we are one interconnected system and who act as if what they do has no bearing on other parts of life. Trump is just one example of this but, in reality, this state of unconsciousness exists within all of us. It is reminiscent of an earlier, more egocentric way of being and seeing the world, where we were driven by our survival instincts; where we saw life in terms of winning and losing, and where the more people I could have in my gang, the safer I was against yours.

Fortunately, many of us have woken up and are moving on from such short-termist and self-interested points of view, with many more following on besides. We live in a world where it is now commonplace to ask questions about the meaning I derive from my work, how my values influence my buying choices, how I am connected to my community and what my purpose is in all of this. We are becoming natural systems thinkers, able to see, with the help of technology, how connected we all are. We recognise that our decisions create ripple effects far beyond our immediate sphere of influence. Increasingly, we are being prompted to consider and take responsibility for our everyday actions, from our personal recycling habits to the way we expect our companies to make a sustainable profit.

While many people across the world practising this kind of conscious self-leadership helps to create a shift in our global systems, there is still a need for conscious leaders within the major systems themselves. Leaders within politics, education, business and the environmental systems are all subject to the same kinds of unconscious, instinctive actions as any of us. When combined with power and responsibility, unconscious leaders take action that results in harmful effects on the system, and the perpetuation of broken systems, making it harder for us to move on from our past and create a future we desire.

What are the pre-requisites, then, of conscious leadership and how can we act as conscious leaders within systems, whichever position we may occupy?

First and foremost, we start with ourselves. This is the requirement to ‘know ourselves’. Recognising that we, at our core, are instinctive beings who habitually cling on to our positions and the fundamental rightness of our own views, helps us to develop the conscious awareness of noticing when this happening to us and choosing differently.

There is an old Hungarian proverb that says, ‘every man sees the world from the bell tower of his own village’. Fundamentally, conscious leadership is grounded in recognising that there are other views apart from ours that hold equal validity, and that we can join these up to form bigger, better perspectives on our world and its problems. The ability to take the perspective of another lies at the root of conscious leadership. When we do this as leaders, we take on the possibility to unite our multiple intelligences and come up with wiser, systemic solutions that utilize the best of our combined thinking and offer improved outcomes for all of us. To do this, however, we need to get out of our own way, and it is this quality which is so sorely lacking in many current leaders who make their decisions about themselves, their ego and their own power, rather than about the greater whole and the greater good.

Similarly, in the way they conduct themselves in relationships, conscious leaders are less prone to the knee-jerk, win-lose reactions of their less conscious colleagues. Conscious leadership is not a leadership of winning. Conscious leaders might ask themselves: winning for whom? Notions of ‘us’ and ‘them’ naturally fall away when we regard each other as allies in solving problems that affect us all. Even the idea of competitors can be reframed as ‘future potential partners’ by conscious leaders. It becomes about winning for all of us.

When we regard the world as one interconnected whole, when we see consciously into the systems around us, we are naturally pulled into considering: Where might I contribute towards this? As a conscious leader, our responsibility towards the whole increases. We become less inclined to act in ways that benefit us while causing damage to others, elsewhere, and more inclined to think together with others about the ways we might contribute, add value and support life. This is a form of collective responsibility that is a hallmark of conscious leaders, and all conscious leaders are naturally attracted to it. They lead others within their systems by asking the kinds of questions that gets everyone to look past their individual selves towards the bigger picture.

As we evolve and are replaced by the next generations, we find that these kinds of qualities naturally emerge in the population, and the so-called Millennial generation (those born between 1980 and 2000) are no different. Many within this upcoming generation of leaders have been born with this ‘human upgrade’ already in place. They naturally see, through their digital savvy and experience of a tech-enabled world, how their actions affect others they have never seen. Conscious Millennials are natural systems thinkers and they ask questions about sustaining and supporting life, and their role within it. They are the conscious leaders of our future – and because of them there is hope. Our role right now is to encourage existing leaders to develop as conscious leaders so that the systems that the next generation inherits have the capacity to flourish.

This Author

Gina Hayden is co-founder of The Global Centre for Conscious Leadership and a Director of Conscious Capitalism. Her new book, Becoming A Conscious Leader is out now.

 

 

Decarbonising the UK economy

This week the UK Government published its long awaited industrial strategy, marking a distinctive break from the previous Conservative regime. Gone is David Cameron’s more laissez faire attitude to managing the economy.  In its place is a more proactive approach, which seeks to stimulate industry with targeted investment.  Taking advantage of the greater flexibility afforded by freedom from the EU’s state aid rules the plan sees some exciting developments in the decarbonisation of the UK economy.

Among the ideas proposed are to make the UK a world leader in some of the low carbon technologies it already has an advantage in, namely electric vehicles, wind power and nuclear.  The consultation, known as a green paper, proposes a roll out of electric vehicle charging points. The much-heralded announcement by Nissan last October to invest in its Sunderland plant – one they will now review depending on how Brexit goes – was understood to be helped by assurances from government of its commitment to making Britain a hub for electric car making.   

The Sunderland factory will produce batteries for electric vehicles, an area of focus in the new strategy. Ministers have also asked the country’s Chief Scientific Adviser, Sir Mark Walport, to review the case for a new research institution to work on battery technology, energy storage and smart grids. Battery storage has been seen by many as the killer app that could transform the potential for renewables, allowing their intermittent energy to be stored and accessed on demand. The wide-ranging strategy also sets out plans for upgrades to digital, transport, energy and flood defence infrastructures.

One of the goals set out in the paper is to “capitalise on strengths to win a substantial share of global markets”. Hopefully this bodes well for the UK’s offshore wind industry.  The UK has more offshore wind capacity installed than any other country and the industry drew record investment of $29.9 billion last year, a rise of 40% from 2015. The Government also announced a review into reducing costs to business of its decarbonisation plans in line with its legal obligations enshrined in the Climate Change Act.  If they are serious about reducing such costs then they should embrace onshore wind and solar farms which are some of the cheapest forms of new energy on the planet but which have been spurned so far by this government. (They would certainly be much better value than the eye-watering costs of Hinkley Point C’s nuclear power station.)

Ultimately the strategy has the potential to use government investment to shift the country in the right direction. But we need more than just ‘public money,’ we need the public’s money too.

Banks currently invest our savings with scant regard to its climate impact, often directly supporting fossil fuel companies, which is why NGOs are urging the UK’s high street banks and asset managers to shift their investments towards renewables.  If our taxes are being spent on a low carbon industrial strategy, why not the cash we hold in our bank accounts?  With the banking AGM season coming up Christian Aid is holding a series of training workshops for people who want to get involved in helping shift the investment flows even further. This is a growing area of environmental activism – last year saw a record number of shareholder resolutions addressing climate change, 94, up from 82 in 2015.

This is going to be a revealing year for the UK’s decarbonisation agenda. Theresa May may be busy dealing with Brexit and President Trump but climate change isn’t going to wait around until she’s finished. Her government will publish its carbon plan this year setting out how it will meet its decarbonisation commitments, not an easy circle to square if they plan on building a new runway at Heathrow.  This industrial strategy is a good start. Climate Minister Nick Hurd’s announcement on Wednesday of £28m for clean energy R&D also bodes well. But we’re going to need more than just a few million here and there if Britain is going to stay competitive in a world starting to embrace this new industrial revolution. China is pursuing electric vehicles with gusto and is threatening to overtake the US auto industry which itself will not hand over its crown lightly.

The UK’s low carbon industry cannot be competitive solely as an exporter; it needs to have a thriving domestic market too. Fortunately this is underpinned by the Climate Change Act, which gives the Government every reason to both invest in the industry and implement its products in decarbonising Britain.

With Donald Trump squandering the good work on the environment done by Barack Obama there is an opportunity for Theresa May’s ‘Global Britain’ to show global leadership. It’s vital that the UK’s ongoing industrial strategy ensures it will be powered by the clean energy of the future not the dirty energy of the past.

This Author

Joe Ware is a journalist and writer at Christian Aid and a New Voices contributor for the Ecologist. He’s on twitter at @wareisjoe.

 

For more information about Christian Aid’s Big Shift training workshops, taking place across the country from Exeter to Kendal, sign up here.

 

 

Trump: Dakota, KXL pipelines go ahead; corporate tax cuts and deregulation

President Donald Trump has ordered US government agencies to expedite approval of the Keystone XL and Dakota Access pipelines, running roughshod over opposition by environmentalists and Native American tribes.

The Dakota Access Pipe Line (DAPL) has encountered impassioned opposition, with thousands gathering despite the deep freeze of the North Dakota winter to block completion of the 1,200-mile-long pipeline, which is to bring oil from the Bakken fields to refineries in the Midwest and South.

The pipeline’s final link would cross the Missouri River just north of the Standing Rock Sioux reservation, threatening its water supply and tearing up land deemed sacred in tribal culture.

After violent assaults on protesters last fall by heavily armed security guards hired by Texas-based Energy Transfer Partners, the pipeline company, as well as North Dakota state troopers and local sheriffs, the Obama administration ordered a review of the project by the Army Corp of Engineers, effectively postponing the final confrontation until Trump took office.

The Trump administration has numerous business and political ties to DAPL. The nominee for secretary of energy, former Texas Governor Rick Perry, was on the board of Energy Transfer Partners, while Trump himself owned stock in the company. One of his biggest financial backers during the campaign was Harold Hamm, CEO of Continental Energy, expected to be one of the largest users of the pipeline.

Construction of the Keystone XL pipeline was halted in late 2015 by the Obama administration after a lengthy campaign by environmental groups opposed to both the pipeline itself and the increased extraction of highly polluted tar sands oil from Alberta, Canada, which was to flow through the pipeline to refineries on the Texas Gulf Coast.

Eliminating environmental and safety regulations

Trump’s executive orders do not immediately revive either project, but they set the revival into motion. TransCanada, the builder of Keystone XL, is invited to resubmit to the State Department its application to complete the pipeline.

In the case of DAPL, Trump has instructed the Army Corps of Engineers to “consider, to the extent permitted by law and as warranted, whether to rescind or modify” the Obama administration decision to impose various procedural delays. There is little doubt what the outcome of that review will be.

The pipeline decrees were only two of the five executive orders issued by the White House this Tuesday, all aimed at furthering Trump’s efforts to eliminate environmental and safety regulations and boost the profits of American corporations. Two more orders required expedited permitting and environmental reviews of infrastructure projects designated as significant by the Trump administration.

The final order required that all pipeline construction use US-made steel products as much as possible, a largely superfluous directive since the US steel industry no longer produces many of the required items. This order is a bone thrown to the United Steel Workers and other unions that have backed Trump’s policy of economic nationalism and will be used to claim that Trump’s policies are helping put unemployed industrial workers back to work.

Trump claimed that the Keystone project would provide “a lot of jobs, 28,000 jobs, great construction jobs.” But industry estimates suggest that the remaining construction work will employ 10,000 short-term workers, but only 50 full-time workers will be needed to operate the highly automated pipeline once crude oil begins to flow through it. Even smaller numbers of jobs are involved in the DAPL project, since major construction is nearly completed.

This did not stop Trump from staging a media circus in connection with the signing of the orders, holding up the documents to television cameras and declaring, “We will build our own pipeline, we will build our own pipes, like we used to in the old days.”

‘We will step up our opposition!’

Native American and environmental protesters promised stepped-up opposition to the Dakota pipeline in response to Trump’s actions, which had been widely expected. Several hundred reinforcements arrived at the main protest campsite near Cannon Ball, North Dakota last weekend, and last Wednesday police arrested 21 demonstrators outside the construction site.

At a press briefing after the issuance of the executive orders, White House press spokesman Sean Spicer was asked about the protests and the likelihood that they would continue, but he evaded the question.

Given the tenor of Trump’s inaugural address and his vicious attacks on all critics, it is likely that the administration’s response to such protests will be brutal and violent.

Trump’s action had bipartisan support from the North Dakota congressional delegation, with both Republican Representative Kevin Cramer and Democratic Senator Heidi Heitkamp praising the decision. Heitkamp issued a statement declaring her support for DAPL and other “projects that support our energy, economy, and national security.”

Trump made clear that the pipeline approvals and the orders to expedite permitting and environmental review were only a down payment on a much broader effort to raze all regulations on American corporations. He called the current system of environmental regulation “out of control” after meeting on Tuesday morning with the CEOs of the three major auto manufacturers – General Motors, Ford and Fiat Chrysler Automobiles.

And he promised the auto bosses immediate changes to expedite such reviews: “We’re gonna make a very short process, and we’re going to either give you your permits or we’re not gonna give you your permits. But you’re gonna know very quickly. And generally speaking, we’re gonna be giving you your permits. So we’re gonna be very friendly.”

Trump promises: ‘We will deregulate everything!’

The meeting with the auto executives followed a larger meeting on Monday with the CEOs of a dozen of the largest manufacturing companies. At that meeting, Trump declared his determination to do everything possible to clear away all regulatory restraints on their operations, including both environmental restrictions and workplace safety rules.

These words have already been translated into bureaucratic actions. The Federal Register posted notes Tuesday from federal agencies withdrawing 23 separate regulations. These included a new rule by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) limiting mercury discharges by dental offices, energy efficiency standards for federal buildings, and poverty guidelines from the Department of Health and Human Services.

The Trump administration has imposed a media gag on the EPA and barred its staff from awarding any new contracts. EPA employees have been barred from issuing press releases, updating the agency blogs or posting to the agency’s social media accounts.

Trump has nominated to head the EPA the Oklahoma state attorney general, Scott Pruitt, who is currently engaged in 14 lawsuits against the EPA on behalf of Oklahoma-based polluters, mostly in the oil and gas industry.

Besides deregulation, Trump has pledged to cut taxes “massively” for American corporations. He told Monday’s meeting of CEOs that he would keep his campaign pledge to cut the corporate tax rate from the present 35% to 15-20%. He added that his advisers think “we can cut regulations by 75%, maybe more.”

Obedient Senate confirms disastrous appointments

While this pro-corporate wrecking operation proceeds in relation to environmental and health and safety regulations, the US Senate is proceeding with the confirmation of Trump’s nominees.

Senate Democrats, who hold 48 of the 100 seats, have rubberstamped nearly all of Trump’s nominees to national security positions, including Tuesday evening’s near-unanimous 96-4 vote to confirm South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley as the US ambassador to the United Nations.

Three more Trump nominees were cleared by Senate committees, with the Senate Banking Committee approving the nomination of Dr. Ben Carson to head the Department of Housing and Urban Development on a unanimous vote, and the Senate Commerce Committee on a voice vote approving the nomination of Elaine Chao, the wife of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, to run the Department of Transportation.

The Senate Commerce Committee approved as well the nomination of billionaire asset-stripper Wilbur Ross to be secretary of commerce, also on a voice vote, meaning that no Democratic opposition was recorded.

 


 

Patrick Martin writes for the World Socialist Website, a forum for socialist ideas & analysis & published by the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI).

This article was originally published on the World Socialist Website (WSWS) and is reproduced here by kind permission.

 

Ecologist Special Report Part II: Marine Protected Areas

Ben Bradshaw, Minister for Fisheries in 2006 and closely involved with the build-up to the closure of Lyme Bay, Dorset, to towed gear in 2008, is still MP for Exeter. His government’s establishment of that original MPA was an act of far-sighted political bravery. Governments since, ‘greenest ever’ ones included, have rarely matched that courage.

“I would be very concerned by anything constituting a weakening of protection for these unique habitats,” Bradshaw recently said. “If the Government’s motives are to extend greater protection to vulnerable sites, or protect them in a more intelligent way, I would welcome it. My worry is that given the Government’s reluctance to establish an ecologically coherent network, this might fall into a similar pattern.”

Many would share his concerns. Rob Clark head of the Inshore Fisheries and Conservation Authorities (IFCA) for the eastern half of the MPA might argue that the introduction of new byelaws in 2014 was not glamorous enough for NGOs and the media, who have now woken up to what is happening and are both suspicious and poorly informed. But he himself contrasts the money for research made available after the 2008 closure with the near absence of new funding in 2014. It is the research in Lyme Bay that has made and still makes the real story, not the media or the NGOs.

That story is, in essence, not a complicated one. It has been obscured over the past decade by a thicket of acronyms that has grown up around this subject, penetrable only by the most determined. What was the MPA is now the ‘Lyme Bay and Torbay Site of Community Interest’. By next year they will have hit upon an even less memorable name for it, so I’m sticking with MPA. How many people really know their SCIs and SACs and MMOs and MCZs and NTZs apart? In her recent report, researcher Rebecca Singer of University College London noted that even those closely involved with managing Lyme Bay complain about how unnecessarily complicated the different designations have become.

But Rob Clark may well be right that NGOs and journalists should have paid more attention to the byelaws that were brought in in 2014. They do indeed protect more reef than was protected before. Further byelaws in 2016 expanded the area again. The stories we tell about this, and the way we tell them, matter. But you could also argue that to overplay such relatively small gains, in the absence of new funding for research, is to lock low ambition into the whole process.

For those members of the public who do not have time to memorise all the acronyms, this story is the same now as it was in 2008. The closure of a protected area to towed gear. Certainly, you can and should grow that area, and you should try different conservation regimens within it. But once you start with ‘maybe we’ll let a few dredgers back in after all, just here and there’, you weaken that core story. It is from that core story that all the others flow. We tamper with it, or allow others to, at our peril.

There is one very simple way to cut back to the story this whole process started with. Put in place what was intended from the outset. No Take Zones – areas in which there is no fishing of any kind – are the simplest designation you can have. They are cheap to maintain, they are popular with the public and they are vital to greater understanding. Without them ‘we don’t know what the sea might regenerate towards’, as Jean-Luc Solandt of the Marine Conservation Society recently put it. Without No Take Zones we can’t know the difference between natural and anthropogenic disturbance.

The Government will consult on re-opening protected areas when the scallop dredgers ask. Why will they not consult on No Take Zones when the best-informed marine biologists are unanimous on the need for them? The Government insists on features-based measures, which are far more costly to define and monitor, and then cuts funding for research.

Singer noted that the fishermen who have helped for years now with studies of the bay’s recovery are, understandably, asking what was the point if the dredgers are allowed back in to smash things up all over again? Areas of soft sediment rapidly ‘self-repaired’ after 2008, transforming our understanding of what the sea-bed can do when we leave it alone. We would never have learnt this if we had allowed dredging to continue ‘here and there’. And that knowledge would not have been available to those managing other MPAs.

 Why is the ‘non-reef’ habitat treated as disposable?

As the Third Tranche of Marine Conservation Zone (MCZ) sites is selected, the main gaps in the network as we have it are sand- and mud-based habitats. So why is anybody speaking of ‘non-reef’ habitat in Lyme Bay as if it were disposable, when it is precisely non-reef habitat we need to protect more of this time around? It is the response of this very habitat to conservation measures that Plymouth University has been studying for almost a decade. We interrupt that experiment because the dredgers consider their profits to be in need of a further boost? 

The website of the industry-funded National Federation of Fishermen’s Associations (http://nffo.org.uk/news/new-research-to-aid-sustainable-fisheries-management-in-marine-protected-areas.html) is a useful guide to what is really driving this ‘review’ of the Lyme Bay SI. The site announced new research last year ‘to justify what levels of bottom towed gear can be carried out within MPAs and still encourage conservation’. That might sound like Monty Python but this is no joke. Note the Freudian slip: ‘justify’.

The purpose of research is to test for or discover something you don’t yet know. You don’t know what will happen to a habitat that has been hammered by dredges over decades, so you leave it alone and you wait and see. Then you wait and see some more. But to those who fund this research its aim is perfectly clear in advance. Its purpose, as its supporters readily admit, is to ‘justify’ the readmission of towed gear to closed areas. Its purpose is a return on capital at any cost to the sea-bed.

In early 2014, three storms hit Lyme Bay of a magnitude that one would usually expect every fifty years or so. Equipment being used to study the impact of potting at different intensities, deployed over several years, was swept away. Scoured sea fans and dead clean scallops were washed up in enormous numbers. That the site’s recovery was already being studied has made this an ideal opportunity to observe how protected sites recover compared to unprotected ones. It is too soon yet for conclusive results. Research takes time.

NFFO-style ‘justification’, by contrast, takes no time at all. Justifications carried out last summer from a dredging vessel by Michel Kaiser, Professor of Marine Conservation Ecology at Bangor University, have already ‘revealed’ no improvement to the site since it was closed to dredgers in 2008. That the entire site has been studied intensively for nine years can be simply ignored. The storms of 2014 were not an opportunity to study the impact of extreme weather events in our coastal waters, of which we are likely to see more as the climate warms. No, we should see them rather as the ‘justification’ for fishing methods that make a few people very rich and only do what severe storms are going to do ‘anyway’.

Professor Kaiser lobbied against the creation of the MPA in 2008. He is by now the dredging industry’s ‘scientist of choice’ when it finds itself in need of ‘justification’. He was brought in to justify tearing up the reserve in Cardigan Bay. You might well ask, why choose Lyme Bay of all places when there are so many other protected areas which have not been so intensively studied over the past decade?

The answer of course is that you choose Lyme Bay precisely to establish the principle that scientific research, no matter how exhaustive or how painstakingly carried out, shall never override commercial interests. It is in Lyme Bay above all that this point must be made. To try and make it without so much as addressing the research that has been going on there is of course discourteous as well as un-professional. The Professor’s unwillingness to engage with the findings of others also suggests that his case is unusually feeble. This kind of behaviour is a timely reminder of why the Statutory Instrument (SI) was needed in the first place.

But it is a reminder of more than that. Peter Jones’ book, Governing Marine Protected Areas (Routledge, 2014) is rich in foreign examples which those who care about marine protection’s future in the UK would do well to ponder. It was the Blue Marine Foundation that stepped in to try and build consensus after the tug of wills which led to the closure in Lyme Bay. In the Os Miñarzos reserve, off Galicia in northern Spain, a comparable role was played by the WWF, which has put in place a regimen that both favours local fishermen and has included them in the design of the reserve.

Strength of local feeling should not be underestimated

The climate of opinion on this is global. The Galapagos might seem a world away, with a level of economic development and legal institutions that are quite different from those in the UK. But the exclusion of interlopers, measures to improve the income of low-impact local fishermen and so decrease pressure on stocks, biologists and fishermen working together on stock assessment – all of these have both worked there and have close counterparts in Lyme Bay.

Neither should strength of local feeling about this be underestimated, wherever in the world you are. When the Government of Colombia granted licenses to explore for oil inside a marine reserve, this was challenged by the MPA agency and the Government’s decision was overturned in the high court. When dredgers were re-admitted to the Special Area of Conservation (SAC) in Cardigan Bay in 2012, conservationists threatened to take our Government to the European Court of Justice. The Government ‘revised’ its approach.

But the likes of Michel Kaiser are not so easily put off and we shall not have to trouble our heads with European justice for very much longer. The dredgers are already back in Cardigan Bay. They think Lyme Bay is next and they think that because they can’t tell the difference between responsible fishing and marine profiteering. They will discover that the public does know the difference.

This Author

Horatio Morpurgo writes on the environment and European affairs. The Paradoxall Compass, his book about the West Country, the sea and the origins of modern science, will be published by Notting Hill Editions in June, 2017. 

 

 

 

 

 

Ecologist Special Report Part I: Governing Marine Protected Areas

Fisheries scientists have long challenged the ‘sloppy thinking’ behind Marine Protected Areas (MPAs). These are too often called for, they argue, ‘on the basis of close to zero evidence’, by people whose real concern is not to conserve marine habitats but to ‘instil a sense of moral panic’. Fisheries scientists sum up their own approach, by contrast, as ‘rational, evidence-based and phased’.

On a scale of one to ten, then, how close to ‘zero evidence’ is well over 5,000 scientific papers on MPAs since 1980? Those who have read even a fraction of those 5,000 scientific papers will find them analytical in content and stone-cold sober in tone. They are anything but ‘romantic’.

The next routine objection used to be that MPAs only work in tropical waters and are no help with conserving mobile species. You hear that argument less these days. Biogenetic studies, a recent innovation, may be conducted in temperate waters or tropical. They allow us to observe how the fish in any given area are inter-related. What they are showing is that a fish we might think of as a single mobile species – cod, say – is actually a conglomerate of many sub-populations, each adapted to a particular habitat. These sub-populations move around less than was thought, so that large MPAs along Norway’s coast, for example, have proved effective in conserving one such population.

Lobsters responded quickly to the establishment of a No Take Zone in Lamlash Bay, Scotland, just as they did off Lundy Island, Devon, England. The size and number of scallops off the Isle of Man rose sharply following the closure there. The number of lobsters and scallops, both, in Lyme Bay, Dorset, has soared since its closure to towed gear in 2008. In this latter case a 2015 report from Plymouth University drew more tentative conclusions about the recovery of benthic habitat more generally. As with Skomer in the 1990s, this may prove a slower and more complicated process than some might have envisaged. But even for fish which do wander ocean-wide, a well-established feeding area or spawning grounds, like sea grass or kelp beds, regularly visited at crucial junctures in its life-cycle, may benefit from protection.   

Another line popular with fisheries scientists is their claim to represent those who understand that ‘these are people’s livelihoods we are talking about’. This will not have occurred, runs the subtext, to anyone arguing for marine conservation. But take just one marine reserve – Lyme Bay, again. Two papers studying the socio-economic impacts of the 2008 closures appeared in 2016 alone – one by Sian Rees at Plymouth University and another from Rebecca Singer of University College, London. This is in addition to an earlier report on the subject from Stephen Mangi. Rees’ work analysed data going back to 2008, whilst Singer conducted 25 interviews around the Bay in the summer of 2016, of which more later.

Given all this research, how to explain, then, the dismissive language used by those who oppose marine protection? As in other contexts, such language operates mainly as a screen behind which people take shelter from issues with which they are either unwilling or unable to engage. Such talk will, of course, be encouraged, and funded, by those who stand to gain financially from a lowering of the tone and poorer understanding all round.

‘Collective learning’, where fishermen and scientists work alongside, is only one of many ways identified in Peter Jones’ Governing Marine Protected Areas (Routledge, 2014) to make MPAs more effective. Jones grew up next to the sea in Poole, Dorset, and is today a marine ecologist, Reader in Environmental Governance at University College, London. His book emerged from years of engagement with MPAs. It compares the effectiveness of different management regimes not only in one country or region but around the world.  

Making Marine Protected Areas More Effective

The emphasis in Governing MPAs is less on making the case for them as one way, among others, to restore the ocean to health. That argument has been won. The question now is a more practical one: how to make MPAs more effective.

Jones examines 20 case studies from around the world, from a range of different contexts. He has looked at No Take Zones and Partially Protected Areas, at reserves which have succeeded, and at those which either have not or where the outcome is still unclear. He has looked at countries with developed and less well-developed economies; countries with tropical and temperate climates, at reserves where a firm legal framework is in place and those in which that framework is weaker. Each case must be studied on its own merits. Any comparisons between them must then be made on a rigorously empirical basis.  

From close study of 20 reserves, he has derived five broad categories of ‘incentives’, which have all been shown, under different circumstances, to make a reserve more effective. The five incentives are economic (harnessing market forces), interpretative (awareness-raising), knowledge or ‘collective learning’ (where fishermen and marine biologists collaborate on research), legal (political will, infringements punished) and participative (involving as many parties as possible in decision-making).

Jones’ familiarity with the management structure of so many different reserves makes his book refreshingly clear-sighted about what he calls ‘governance challenges’. Consensus is not always possible. Ecologists, he argues, should be clear about their motives with themselves and others from the outset. Conservation aims and utilitarian ends may contradict one another and we should not shy away from this. A well-informed societal concern about the state of the oceans is now a significant factor and there is no reason why this should not influence the uses we make of our seas. When the science indicates that No Take Zones would work, for example, as they would in Lyme Bay, they should be established.

In dismissing such calls as ‘romantic’, the industry only shows itself to be lagging behind that wider unease about the state of the marine environment. At the same time, environmentalists need to be aware that imposed solutions, or ‘fortress conservation’, carries its own risks. Just as there can be a ‘tyranny of the local’, in which irresponsible ‘small-scale’ fishing practises continue, so there can be a failure by marine biologists to engage creatively with those local fishermen who can and want to help.

Political Will Is Always The Decisive Factor

Jones’ solution is a ‘balancing act’ in which the strong hand of the state, the ‘invisible hand’ of the market and the ‘democratic hands’ of the people are effectively combined. His findings, across all variables – economic and environmental – show that NGO or private participation may take many useful forms, but political will is always the decisive factor. The state may devolve power but should never relinquish it. When conservation and utilitarian aims cannot agree, there has to be an overarching authority, committed to wider-scale objectives, which is prepared to make a decision in a particular context and enforce it with legal sanctions.  

Developed over many years of close observation around the world, this template was applied to Lyme Bay by Rebecca Singer, (a student of Jones’), through 25 extensive interviews over the summer of 2016. Through its application of Jones’ empirical approach, Singer’s report raises questions worth considering. The Reserve Brand, for example, is one of several innovations introduced by the Blue Marine Foundation. It is a scheme whereby supermarkets and other outlets agree to pay more for fish from the MPA because newly- installed chilling facilities can guarantee freshness.

Singer notes that none of the fishermen she spoke to were using the Reserve Brand to ‘catch less for more’, even though its aim was to reduce fishing pressure. She notes that the overfishing of whelks from the western end of the MPA continues. And that the quota for boats which have signed up to the voluntary agreement were set at the top end or above what they were already catching.

None of this is to deny what has been achieved. A dredger operating in the MPA was recently fined £37,000. As of 2011 the Inshore Fisheries and Conservation Authorities (IFCAs), of which there are two in Lyme Bay, have patrol vessels and much improved means of gathering information, both through satellite, radar, VMS (Vessel Monitoring Systems) and through good old-fashioned local intel.

Singer also reported on consultations to lift the order (or Statutory Instrument (SI)) imposed in 2008, which originally closed sixty sq. miles of the sea-bed to dredgers. This is exactly where the importance of Jones’ case-by-case approach becomes clear. As already mentioned, the MPA falls under the jurisdiction of two IFCAs. This allows ‘locally tailored management’ by people who are very familiar with the site. Power has been devolved.

And this can work well. Rob Clark heads the IFCA for the eastern half of the MPA. With a background in ecology, he argues that managing the site through byelaws allows him to add to the protected areas already in existence. When I ask him how much scope there will be for dredging to resume between the reefs: his answer is quite clear: ‘None’. The closed area will remain closed.

It’s worth adding that Rob Clark’s ‘Southern IFCA’, which oversees inshore waters from the Hampshire / Sussex border to the Dorset / Devon border, has a different history from its western neighbour, the ‘Devon & Severn IFCA’. As local fisherman Dave Sales put it to me: “The industrial fleet is not a big political player in this part of the country. So the byelaws have evolved differently here. They favour the smaller boats which do less damage.”

When I contact Tim Robbins at the Devon & Severn IFCA, which has authority for the western end of Lyme Bay, however, the tune is different. Neither should this come as a surprise. The industrial fleet is a serious political player further west, where the byelaws have traditionally favoured the larger boats.

It is not possible to say that nothing will ever change in the area, even with the SI still in place changes could have been made to management,” Mr Robbins informs me. “There may be pressure in the future from the mobile gear fishing industry to have areas where there are no features of the site present to open it again to fishing.” (He also understands that a new review of the SI has been requested by ‘local fishing interests.’)

I mention the research recently carried out from dredging boats inside the closed area, of which more in the Part II of this article. “The vessels and the local knowledge of the fishermen make them ideal partners for the researchers,” Mr Robbins responds, un-controversially enough. “No matter what part of the industry they come from,” he adds. That second clause is worth a closer look. What exactly is it that we have to learn from the dredging industry about conserving marine habitats? When an area of ancient woodland is to be preserved, is it the logging companies we consult? When we protect a meadow, do we check if that is OK with Bayer first?

Devon & Severn is not about to readmit the dredgers to the MPA but the organisation is plainly allowing for wriggle-room. “It is not possible to say nothing will ever change.” Indeed not. But why the platitudes? Why is such care being taken not to rule out certain possibilities? The two IFCAs approach this matter differently, as they would, given their different histories. That is not a problem in itself but it does raise an important question: how far do you devolve powers before you have effectively relinquished them? Who has the final say on something like this?

It is true that IFCAs can bring to bear a detailed knowledge of the local scene. The intervention of the Blue Marine Foundation in Lyme Bay, the research into the sea-bed’s recovery carried out by Plymouth University and the fishermen since 2008, the setting up of the Lyme Bay working group – all of these have contributed to success. But Jones’ book demonstrates that right around the world MPAs run into the same problem. Without ‘state steer’, without political will from central government, they don’t work.

This Author

Horatio Morpurgo writes on the environment and European affairs. The Paradoxall Compass, his book about the West Country, the sea and the origins of modern science, will be published by Notting Hill Editions in June, 2017.

Tomorrow (25th January, 2017) we will publish Part II of his special report into the effectiveness (or otherwise) of Marine Protected Areas.

 

 

 

Nothing ‘parochial’ about GMO food labeling!

The GMO labeling issue has quietened down some but there is still plenty to discuss.

Just this week the USDA proposed its definition of a GMO for labeling purposes – and it includes loopholes for gene editing.

However, it is also possible for reasonable people to imagine that GMO labeling is a sideshow to the real business of the food movement.

After all, most GMO foods and GMO crops are visually indistinguishable from non-GMOs, and tiny non-GMO labels can look pretty irrelevant on the side of a soda bottle containing whole cupfuls of sugar.

Last week, Michael Pollan, Olivier de Schutter, Mark Bittman and Ricardo Salvador made that error, calling GMO labeling parochial. Granted, they wrote “important but parochial”, but qualifying the significance of GMO labeling in any way was a mistake.

The first issue is that GMOs are legally distinct from non-GMO crop varieties. They possess an enhanced legal status that has enabled GMOs to become a gushing profit centre for agribusiness.

Special protection for GMO / biotech corporations

These rights not only allow their owners to steer farmers’ herbicide use, which also increases profits; they can also legally prevent independent research which would otherwise show up their advertising claims. The share price of Monsanto reached $142 in 2008, reflecting the enormous profitability of massively increasing seed prices on the back of GMO introductions.

Those profits have in turn fuelled a set of key agribusiness activities. One was the acquisition of almost the entire independent global seed business, which now resides in very few hands. The second was a cluster of enhanced PR and lobbying activities that were necessary to defend GMOs.

Rather than hide in the shadows agribusiness corporations needed to come out swinging in defence of the indefensible, which necessitated, among other things, a much higher degree of control than previously over teaching content and research at public universities.

Thus their special legal status enabled an unprecedented ability to control both the present and the future of agriculture.

GMOs are also conflated with science and thus progress. They have the intellectual role of presenting agribusiness as the innovative and dynamic frontier of agriculture, in contrast to those people who base their efforts on ecological diversity, local expertise, or deep knowledge. This cutting edge image is key to the agribusiness business model of reaping tax breaks and subsidies (Lima, 2015).

All around the world, taxpayer money supports and subsidises agribusiness without which benefits it would not exist (Capellesso et al., 2016). In the final analysis, however, the GMOs-as-progress argument is circular. Agribusiness is innovative because it uses GMOs – and GMOs show how innovative they are. Smoke and mirrors, but politicians fall for it every day, delivering massive transfers of wealth every year from the public to the private sector (Lima, 2015).

It’s the biology, stupid!

The biological truth of GMOs is equally disturbing. At one end of the food chain are the crops in the field. Many people have noticed the virtual disappearance of Monarch butterflies. There are three leading explanations of this disappearance.

The loss from farmland of their larval host plants, milkweeds, is one possibility; poisoning of their caterpillar larvae after consuming insecticide-filled pollen from Bt insect-resistant GMOs is a second; and toxicity from the neonicotinoid pesticides used to treat GMO seeds is the third.

The first two both stem directly or indirectly from GMO use in agricultural fields since before GMOs, milkweeds could not be eradicated and now they can. Most likely is that all three causes are true and that along with milkweeds GMO agriculture also decimated, or eradicated entirely, many other species too.

Monarchs are lovely, but they are not otherwise special. Their significance is as sentinels. Planting milkweeds and pollinator way stations to specially preserve a sentinel species does not rescue an agricultural ecosystem, but it will mask the symptoms. Agribusiness is right now hoping that no one will notice the difference, and that by bringing back monarchs it can obscure the facts of their killing fields.

Internationally too, GMOs threaten to transform agriculture in places like India where millions of people who make a living by labouring in fields could be displaced by herbicide-tolerant crops such as mustard.

Who’s protecting people?

At the human consumption end of the food chain, if you live in the US, no one is protecting you from potential health hazards due to GMOs. Makers of GMO crop varieties don’t even have to notify the FDA of a new product. And if the maker deems the product is not a pesticide they don’t have to notify the EPA either. Trump won’t make it worse because it can’t be worse. It is non-partisan contempt for public health.

What are those potential health hazards? One important example is the famous (or infamous) rat study of NK603 corn by the French research group of professor Gilles-Eric Séralini. It is the only longterm study of the effects of GMOs on a mammal.

If you ignore the tumours that most people focused on, the study found major kidney and liver dysfunction in the treated animals (Séralini et al., 2014). This dysfunction was evident from biochemical measurements and was also visually apparent under the microscope. These results are of no interest to US regulators, even in principle, since they fall between jurisdictions.

From this we can conclude that GMOs are often harmful, directly and indirectly, and further, that they are the leading edge of the business model of agribusiness.

The question, however, was labeling. Imagine that organic food was not allowed to be labeled. Would there be such an organised and powerful challenge to industrial food? What labeling does for the agriculture and food system is to allow the public to express its dismay and disagreement with the direction of corporate agriculture and assert their democratic rights to protect themselves.

Labeling allows the public to engage with specific policies and products within the vast complexity of the food system and push back in a focused way against corruption and dishonesty, in real time.

There aren’t too many chances to do that in America today. 

 


 

Dr Jonathan R. Latham is editor of Independent Science News.

This article was originally published by Independent Science News (CC BY-NC-ND). Its creation was supported by The Bioscience Resource Project.

References