Monthly Archives: February 2017

Suppressed EPA toxicologist: ‘it is essentially certain that glyphosate causes cancer’

Now it’s getting interesting.

A new court filing made on behalf of dozens of people claiming Monsanto Co.’s Roundup herbicide gave them cancer includes information about alleged efforts within the Environmental Protection Agency to protect Monsanto’s interests and unfairly aid the agrichemical industry.

The filing, made late Friday by plaintiff’s attorneys, includes what the attorneys represent to be correspondence from a 30-year career EPA scientist accusing top-ranking EPA official Jess Rowland of playing “your political conniving games with the science” to favor pesticide manufacturers such as Monsanto.

Rowland oversaw the EPA’s cancer assessment for glyphosate, the key ingredient in Monsanto’s weed-killing products, and was a key author of a report finding glyphosate was not likely to be carcinogenic.

But in the correspondence, longtime EPA toxicologist Marion Copley cites evidence from animal studies and writes: “It is essentially certain that glyphosate causes cancer.”

This could be a game-changer, say cancer campaigners

Attorneys for the plaintiffs declined to say how they obtained the correspondence, which is dated March 4, 2013. The date of the letter comes after Copley left the EPA in 2012 and shortly before she died from breast cancer at the age of 66 in January 2014.

She accuses Rowland of having “intimidated staff” to change reports to favor industry, and writes that research on glyphosate, the key ingredient in Monsanto’s Roundup, shows the pesticide should be categorized as a “probable human carcinogen”.

The International Agency for Research on Cancer, an arm of the World Health Organization, declared as much – that glyphosate was a probable human carcinogen – in March 2015 after reviewing multiple scientific studies. Monsanto has rejected that classification and has mounted a campaign to discredit IARC scientists.

The communication, if authentic, could be an explosive development in the snowballing multi-district litigation that now comprises more than 60 plaintiffs from around the United States accusing Monsanto of covering up evidence that Roundup herbicide could cause cancer.

The plaintiffs, all of whom are suffering from non-Hodgkin lymphoma (NHL) or lost a loved one to NHL, have asserted in recent court filings that Monsanto wielded significant influence within the EPA’s Office of Pesticide Programs (OPP), and had close ties specifically to Rowland, who until last year was deputy division director within the health effects division of the OPP.

Rowland managed the work of scientists who assessed human health effects of exposures to pesticides like glyphosate and he chaired the EPA’s Cancer Assessment Review Committee (CARC) that determined glyphosate was “not likely to be carcinogenic to humans.”

Rowland left the EPA in 2016 shortly after a copy of the CARC report was leaked and cited by Monsanto as evidence that the IARC classification was flawed.

The light of day must shine on these murky dealings

Lawyers for the plaintiffs want the federal judge in the case to lift a seal on documents that detail Monsanto’s interactions with Rowland regarding the EPA’s safety assessment of glyphosate.

Monsanto turned the documents over in discovery but marked them ‘confidential’, a designation plaintiffs’ attorneys say is improper. They also want to depose Rowland. But Monsanto and the EPA object to the requests, court documents show. Rowland could not be reached for comment.

Plaintiffs’ attorneys wrote in the Feb. 10 filing in the multi-district litigation, which has been consolidated in the US District Court for the Northern District of California, that Mr Rowland must now tell the court what he knows:

“The Plaintiffs have a pressing need for Mr. Rowland’s testimony to confirm his relationship with Monsanto and EPA’s substantial role in protecting the Defendant’s business. Mr. Rowland operated under Monsanto’s influence to cause EPA’s position and publications to support Monsanto’s business.”

The EPA has spent the last few years assessing the health and environmental safety profile of glyphosate as global controversy over the chemical has mounted. The agency had planned to finish its risk assessment on glyphosate in 2015; then said it would be completed in 2016; then said it would be finished by the first quarter of 2017. Now the agency says it hopes to have it completed by the end of the third quarter of 2017.

Monsanto: plaintiffs must prove every cancer was caused by Roundup

Monsanto also made a new filing in the litigation on Friday, laying out its assertion that there is no evidence Roundup and glyphosate products are “defective or unreasonably dangerous” and said the products complied with “all applicable government safety standards”. There is no evidence of carcinogenicity in glyphosate or Roundup, Monsanto said in its filing.

In a separate filing made on Feb. 8, Monsanto submitted a court brief arguing that the IARC classification of glyphosate as a probable human carcinogen is not relevant to the question of whether or not Roundup caused the plaintiffs’ cancers.

IARC’s approach is “less rigorous” than EPA’s in evaluating scientific evidence, according to the brief, and IARC’s conclusions are “scientifically unreliable”.

Monsanto told the court that neither the views of IARC or EPA are necessarily relevant to the general causation issue of the litigation because plaintiffs will need to present admissible expert testimony showing the company’s products in fact caused their cancers.

Now, a cunning plan to block class action suits against corporate abuses

As the litigation drags on, legislation that could potentially benefit Monsanto and numerous other companies facing consumer class action lawsuits was proposed on Feb. 9. The ‘Fairness in Class Action Litigation Act of 2017’ (H.R. 985) was introduced in the US House of Representatives by House Judiciary Chairman Bob Goodlatte (R-VA.)

Business interests backing the law say it would reduce frivolous suits and ensure that plaintiffs receive the bulk of any damage awards rather than enriching the attorneys who bring such lawsuits.

But opponents say it would make it nearly impossible for individuals with limited financial resources to challenge powerful corporations in court. The bill would apply both to pending and future class action and multi-district litigation.

“The bill is designed to ensure that no class action could ever be brought or litigated for anyone”, said Joanne Doroshow, executive director of the Center for Justice & Democracy. “It would obliterate civil rights, antitrust, consumer, essentially every class action in America.”

EU Citizens’ Initiative

Meanwhile in Europe, an EU Citizens’ Initiative has just been launched demanding that glyphosate is banned in all EU countries. Once 1 million signatures have been received from at least seven EU countries, the proposal will have to be debated in the European Parliament.

The petition, reachable via the Stop Glyphosate website, calls on the European Commission to:

  • ban glyphosate-based herbicides, exposure to which has been linked to cancer in humans, and has led to ecosystems degradation;
  • ensure that the scientific evaluation of pesticides for EU regulatory approval is based only on published studies, which are commissioned by competent public authorities instead of the pesticide industry;
  • set EU-wide mandatory reduction targets for pesticide use, with a view to achieving a pesticide-free future.”

 


 

Carey Gillam is a veteran journalist and Research Director for US Right to Know, a non-profit consumer education group. Follow Carey Gillam on Twitter @careygillam.

This article originally appeared on Huffington Post.

 

Suppressed EPA toxicologist: ‘it is essentially certain that glyphosate causes cancer’

Now it’s getting interesting.

A new court filing made on behalf of dozens of people claiming Monsanto Co.’s Roundup herbicide gave them cancer includes information about alleged efforts within the Environmental Protection Agency to protect Monsanto’s interests and unfairly aid the agrichemical industry.

The filing, made late Friday by plaintiff’s attorneys, includes what the attorneys represent to be correspondence from a 30-year career EPA scientist accusing top-ranking EPA official Jess Rowland of playing “your political conniving games with the science” to favor pesticide manufacturers such as Monsanto.

Rowland oversaw the EPA’s cancer assessment for glyphosate, the key ingredient in Monsanto’s weed-killing products, and was a key author of a report finding glyphosate was not likely to be carcinogenic.

But in the correspondence, longtime EPA toxicologist Marion Copley cites evidence from animal studies and writes: “It is essentially certain that glyphosate causes cancer.”

This could be a game-changer, say cancer campaigners

Attorneys for the plaintiffs declined to say how they obtained the correspondence, which is dated March 4, 2013. The date of the letter comes after Copley left the EPA in 2012 and shortly before she died from breast cancer at the age of 66 in January 2014.

She accuses Rowland of having “intimidated staff” to change reports to favor industry, and writes that research on glyphosate, the key ingredient in Monsanto’s Roundup, shows the pesticide should be categorized as a “probable human carcinogen”.

The International Agency for Research on Cancer, an arm of the World Health Organization, declared as much – that glyphosate was a probable human carcinogen – in March 2015 after reviewing multiple scientific studies. Monsanto has rejected that classification and has mounted a campaign to discredit IARC scientists.

The communication, if authentic, could be an explosive development in the snowballing multi-district litigation that now comprises more than 60 plaintiffs from around the United States accusing Monsanto of covering up evidence that Roundup herbicide could cause cancer.

The plaintiffs, all of whom are suffering from non-Hodgkin lymphoma (NHL) or lost a loved one to NHL, have asserted in recent court filings that Monsanto wielded significant influence within the EPA’s Office of Pesticide Programs (OPP), and had close ties specifically to Rowland, who until last year was deputy division director within the health effects division of the OPP.

Rowland managed the work of scientists who assessed human health effects of exposures to pesticides like glyphosate and he chaired the EPA’s Cancer Assessment Review Committee (CARC) that determined glyphosate was “not likely to be carcinogenic to humans.”

Rowland left the EPA in 2016 shortly after a copy of the CARC report was leaked and cited by Monsanto as evidence that the IARC classification was flawed.

The light of day must shine on these murky dealings

Lawyers for the plaintiffs want the federal judge in the case to lift a seal on documents that detail Monsanto’s interactions with Rowland regarding the EPA’s safety assessment of glyphosate.

Monsanto turned the documents over in discovery but marked them ‘confidential’, a designation plaintiffs’ attorneys say is improper. They also want to depose Rowland. But Monsanto and the EPA object to the requests, court documents show. Rowland could not be reached for comment.

Plaintiffs’ attorneys wrote in the Feb. 10 filing in the multi-district litigation, which has been consolidated in the US District Court for the Northern District of California, that Mr Rowland must now tell the court what he knows:

“The Plaintiffs have a pressing need for Mr. Rowland’s testimony to confirm his relationship with Monsanto and EPA’s substantial role in protecting the Defendant’s business. Mr. Rowland operated under Monsanto’s influence to cause EPA’s position and publications to support Monsanto’s business.”

The EPA has spent the last few years assessing the health and environmental safety profile of glyphosate as global controversy over the chemical has mounted. The agency had planned to finish its risk assessment on glyphosate in 2015; then said it would be completed in 2016; then said it would be finished by the first quarter of 2017. Now the agency says it hopes to have it completed by the end of the third quarter of 2017.

Monsanto: plaintiffs must prove every cancer was caused by Roundup

Monsanto also made a new filing in the litigation on Friday, laying out its assertion that there is no evidence Roundup and glyphosate products are “defective or unreasonably dangerous” and said the products complied with “all applicable government safety standards”. There is no evidence of carcinogenicity in glyphosate or Roundup, Monsanto said in its filing.

In a separate filing made on Feb. 8, Monsanto submitted a court brief arguing that the IARC classification of glyphosate as a probable human carcinogen is not relevant to the question of whether or not Roundup caused the plaintiffs’ cancers.

IARC’s approach is “less rigorous” than EPA’s in evaluating scientific evidence, according to the brief, and IARC’s conclusions are “scientifically unreliable”.

Monsanto told the court that neither the views of IARC or EPA are necessarily relevant to the general causation issue of the litigation because plaintiffs will need to present admissible expert testimony showing the company’s products in fact caused their cancers.

Now, a cunning plan to block class action suits against corporate abuses

As the litigation drags on, legislation that could potentially benefit Monsanto and numerous other companies facing consumer class action lawsuits was proposed on Feb. 9. The ‘Fairness in Class Action Litigation Act of 2017’ (H.R. 985) was introduced in the US House of Representatives by House Judiciary Chairman Bob Goodlatte (R-VA.)

Business interests backing the law say it would reduce frivolous suits and ensure that plaintiffs receive the bulk of any damage awards rather than enriching the attorneys who bring such lawsuits.

But opponents say it would make it nearly impossible for individuals with limited financial resources to challenge powerful corporations in court. The bill would apply both to pending and future class action and multi-district litigation.

“The bill is designed to ensure that no class action could ever be brought or litigated for anyone”, said Joanne Doroshow, executive director of the Center for Justice & Democracy. “It would obliterate civil rights, antitrust, consumer, essentially every class action in America.”

EU Citizens’ Initiative

Meanwhile in Europe, an EU Citizens’ Initiative has just been launched demanding that glyphosate is banned in all EU countries. Once 1 million signatures have been received from at least seven EU countries, the proposal will have to be debated in the European Parliament.

The petition, reachable via the Stop Glyphosate website, calls on the European Commission to:

  • ban glyphosate-based herbicides, exposure to which has been linked to cancer in humans, and has led to ecosystems degradation;
  • ensure that the scientific evaluation of pesticides for EU regulatory approval is based only on published studies, which are commissioned by competent public authorities instead of the pesticide industry;
  • set EU-wide mandatory reduction targets for pesticide use, with a view to achieving a pesticide-free future.”

 


 

Carey Gillam is a veteran journalist and Research Director for US Right to Know, a non-profit consumer education group. Follow Carey Gillam on Twitter @careygillam.

This article originally appeared on Huffington Post.

 

Suppressed EPA toxicologist: ‘it is essentially certain that glyphosate causes cancer’

Now it’s getting interesting.

A new court filing made on behalf of dozens of people claiming Monsanto Co.’s Roundup herbicide gave them cancer includes information about alleged efforts within the Environmental Protection Agency to protect Monsanto’s interests and unfairly aid the agrichemical industry.

The filing, made late Friday by plaintiff’s attorneys, includes what the attorneys represent to be correspondence from a 30-year career EPA scientist accusing top-ranking EPA official Jess Rowland of playing “your political conniving games with the science” to favor pesticide manufacturers such as Monsanto.

Rowland oversaw the EPA’s cancer assessment for glyphosate, the key ingredient in Monsanto’s weed-killing products, and was a key author of a report finding glyphosate was not likely to be carcinogenic.

But in the correspondence, longtime EPA toxicologist Marion Copley cites evidence from animal studies and writes: “It is essentially certain that glyphosate causes cancer.”

This could be a game-changer, say cancer campaigners

Attorneys for the plaintiffs declined to say how they obtained the correspondence, which is dated March 4, 2013. The date of the letter comes after Copley left the EPA in 2012 and shortly before she died from breast cancer at the age of 66 in January 2014.

She accuses Rowland of having “intimidated staff” to change reports to favor industry, and writes that research on glyphosate, the key ingredient in Monsanto’s Roundup, shows the pesticide should be categorized as a “probable human carcinogen”.

The International Agency for Research on Cancer, an arm of the World Health Organization, declared as much – that glyphosate was a probable human carcinogen – in March 2015 after reviewing multiple scientific studies. Monsanto has rejected that classification and has mounted a campaign to discredit IARC scientists.

The communication, if authentic, could be an explosive development in the snowballing multi-district litigation that now comprises more than 60 plaintiffs from around the United States accusing Monsanto of covering up evidence that Roundup herbicide could cause cancer.

The plaintiffs, all of whom are suffering from non-Hodgkin lymphoma (NHL) or lost a loved one to NHL, have asserted in recent court filings that Monsanto wielded significant influence within the EPA’s Office of Pesticide Programs (OPP), and had close ties specifically to Rowland, who until last year was deputy division director within the health effects division of the OPP.

Rowland managed the work of scientists who assessed human health effects of exposures to pesticides like glyphosate and he chaired the EPA’s Cancer Assessment Review Committee (CARC) that determined glyphosate was “not likely to be carcinogenic to humans.”

Rowland left the EPA in 2016 shortly after a copy of the CARC report was leaked and cited by Monsanto as evidence that the IARC classification was flawed.

The light of day must shine on these murky dealings

Lawyers for the plaintiffs want the federal judge in the case to lift a seal on documents that detail Monsanto’s interactions with Rowland regarding the EPA’s safety assessment of glyphosate.

Monsanto turned the documents over in discovery but marked them ‘confidential’, a designation plaintiffs’ attorneys say is improper. They also want to depose Rowland. But Monsanto and the EPA object to the requests, court documents show. Rowland could not be reached for comment.

Plaintiffs’ attorneys wrote in the Feb. 10 filing in the multi-district litigation, which has been consolidated in the US District Court for the Northern District of California, that Mr Rowland must now tell the court what he knows:

“The Plaintiffs have a pressing need for Mr. Rowland’s testimony to confirm his relationship with Monsanto and EPA’s substantial role in protecting the Defendant’s business. Mr. Rowland operated under Monsanto’s influence to cause EPA’s position and publications to support Monsanto’s business.”

The EPA has spent the last few years assessing the health and environmental safety profile of glyphosate as global controversy over the chemical has mounted. The agency had planned to finish its risk assessment on glyphosate in 2015; then said it would be completed in 2016; then said it would be finished by the first quarter of 2017. Now the agency says it hopes to have it completed by the end of the third quarter of 2017.

Monsanto: plaintiffs must prove every cancer was caused by Roundup

Monsanto also made a new filing in the litigation on Friday, laying out its assertion that there is no evidence Roundup and glyphosate products are “defective or unreasonably dangerous” and said the products complied with “all applicable government safety standards”. There is no evidence of carcinogenicity in glyphosate or Roundup, Monsanto said in its filing.

In a separate filing made on Feb. 8, Monsanto submitted a court brief arguing that the IARC classification of glyphosate as a probable human carcinogen is not relevant to the question of whether or not Roundup caused the plaintiffs’ cancers.

IARC’s approach is “less rigorous” than EPA’s in evaluating scientific evidence, according to the brief, and IARC’s conclusions are “scientifically unreliable”.

Monsanto told the court that neither the views of IARC or EPA are necessarily relevant to the general causation issue of the litigation because plaintiffs will need to present admissible expert testimony showing the company’s products in fact caused their cancers.

Now, a cunning plan to block class action suits against corporate abuses

As the litigation drags on, legislation that could potentially benefit Monsanto and numerous other companies facing consumer class action lawsuits was proposed on Feb. 9. The ‘Fairness in Class Action Litigation Act of 2017’ (H.R. 985) was introduced in the US House of Representatives by House Judiciary Chairman Bob Goodlatte (R-VA.)

Business interests backing the law say it would reduce frivolous suits and ensure that plaintiffs receive the bulk of any damage awards rather than enriching the attorneys who bring such lawsuits.

But opponents say it would make it nearly impossible for individuals with limited financial resources to challenge powerful corporations in court. The bill would apply both to pending and future class action and multi-district litigation.

“The bill is designed to ensure that no class action could ever be brought or litigated for anyone”, said Joanne Doroshow, executive director of the Center for Justice & Democracy. “It would obliterate civil rights, antitrust, consumer, essentially every class action in America.”

EU Citizens’ Initiative

Meanwhile in Europe, an EU Citizens’ Initiative has just been launched demanding that glyphosate is banned in all EU countries. Once 1 million signatures have been received from at least seven EU countries, the proposal will have to be debated in the European Parliament.

The petition, reachable via the Stop Glyphosate website, calls on the European Commission to:

  • ban glyphosate-based herbicides, exposure to which has been linked to cancer in humans, and has led to ecosystems degradation;
  • ensure that the scientific evaluation of pesticides for EU regulatory approval is based only on published studies, which are commissioned by competent public authorities instead of the pesticide industry;
  • set EU-wide mandatory reduction targets for pesticide use, with a view to achieving a pesticide-free future.”

 


 

Carey Gillam is a veteran journalist and Research Director for US Right to Know, a non-profit consumer education group. Follow Carey Gillam on Twitter @careygillam.

This article originally appeared on Huffington Post.

 

Suppressed EPA toxicologist: ‘it is essentially certain that glyphosate causes cancer’

Now it’s getting interesting.

A new court filing made on behalf of dozens of people claiming Monsanto Co.’s Roundup herbicide gave them cancer includes information about alleged efforts within the Environmental Protection Agency to protect Monsanto’s interests and unfairly aid the agrichemical industry.

The filing, made late Friday by plaintiff’s attorneys, includes what the attorneys represent to be correspondence from a 30-year career EPA scientist accusing top-ranking EPA official Jess Rowland of playing “your political conniving games with the science” to favor pesticide manufacturers such as Monsanto.

Rowland oversaw the EPA’s cancer assessment for glyphosate, the key ingredient in Monsanto’s weed-killing products, and was a key author of a report finding glyphosate was not likely to be carcinogenic.

But in the correspondence, longtime EPA toxicologist Marion Copley cites evidence from animal studies and writes: “It is essentially certain that glyphosate causes cancer.”

This could be a game-changer, say cancer campaigners

Attorneys for the plaintiffs declined to say how they obtained the correspondence, which is dated March 4, 2013. The date of the letter comes after Copley left the EPA in 2012 and shortly before she died from breast cancer at the age of 66 in January 2014.

She accuses Rowland of having “intimidated staff” to change reports to favor industry, and writes that research on glyphosate, the key ingredient in Monsanto’s Roundup, shows the pesticide should be categorized as a “probable human carcinogen”.

The International Agency for Research on Cancer, an arm of the World Health Organization, declared as much – that glyphosate was a probable human carcinogen – in March 2015 after reviewing multiple scientific studies. Monsanto has rejected that classification and has mounted a campaign to discredit IARC scientists.

The communication, if authentic, could be an explosive development in the snowballing multi-district litigation that now comprises more than 60 plaintiffs from around the United States accusing Monsanto of covering up evidence that Roundup herbicide could cause cancer.

The plaintiffs, all of whom are suffering from non-Hodgkin lymphoma (NHL) or lost a loved one to NHL, have asserted in recent court filings that Monsanto wielded significant influence within the EPA’s Office of Pesticide Programs (OPP), and had close ties specifically to Rowland, who until last year was deputy division director within the health effects division of the OPP.

Rowland managed the work of scientists who assessed human health effects of exposures to pesticides like glyphosate and he chaired the EPA’s Cancer Assessment Review Committee (CARC) that determined glyphosate was “not likely to be carcinogenic to humans.”

Rowland left the EPA in 2016 shortly after a copy of the CARC report was leaked and cited by Monsanto as evidence that the IARC classification was flawed.

The light of day must shine on these murky dealings

Lawyers for the plaintiffs want the federal judge in the case to lift a seal on documents that detail Monsanto’s interactions with Rowland regarding the EPA’s safety assessment of glyphosate.

Monsanto turned the documents over in discovery but marked them ‘confidential’, a designation plaintiffs’ attorneys say is improper. They also want to depose Rowland. But Monsanto and the EPA object to the requests, court documents show. Rowland could not be reached for comment.

Plaintiffs’ attorneys wrote in the Feb. 10 filing in the multi-district litigation, which has been consolidated in the US District Court for the Northern District of California, that Mr Rowland must now tell the court what he knows:

“The Plaintiffs have a pressing need for Mr. Rowland’s testimony to confirm his relationship with Monsanto and EPA’s substantial role in protecting the Defendant’s business. Mr. Rowland operated under Monsanto’s influence to cause EPA’s position and publications to support Monsanto’s business.”

The EPA has spent the last few years assessing the health and environmental safety profile of glyphosate as global controversy over the chemical has mounted. The agency had planned to finish its risk assessment on glyphosate in 2015; then said it would be completed in 2016; then said it would be finished by the first quarter of 2017. Now the agency says it hopes to have it completed by the end of the third quarter of 2017.

Monsanto: plaintiffs must prove every cancer was caused by Roundup

Monsanto also made a new filing in the litigation on Friday, laying out its assertion that there is no evidence Roundup and glyphosate products are “defective or unreasonably dangerous” and said the products complied with “all applicable government safety standards”. There is no evidence of carcinogenicity in glyphosate or Roundup, Monsanto said in its filing.

In a separate filing made on Feb. 8, Monsanto submitted a court brief arguing that the IARC classification of glyphosate as a probable human carcinogen is not relevant to the question of whether or not Roundup caused the plaintiffs’ cancers.

IARC’s approach is “less rigorous” than EPA’s in evaluating scientific evidence, according to the brief, and IARC’s conclusions are “scientifically unreliable”.

Monsanto told the court that neither the views of IARC or EPA are necessarily relevant to the general causation issue of the litigation because plaintiffs will need to present admissible expert testimony showing the company’s products in fact caused their cancers.

Now, a cunning plan to block class action suits against corporate abuses

As the litigation drags on, legislation that could potentially benefit Monsanto and numerous other companies facing consumer class action lawsuits was proposed on Feb. 9. The ‘Fairness in Class Action Litigation Act of 2017’ (H.R. 985) was introduced in the US House of Representatives by House Judiciary Chairman Bob Goodlatte (R-VA.)

Business interests backing the law say it would reduce frivolous suits and ensure that plaintiffs receive the bulk of any damage awards rather than enriching the attorneys who bring such lawsuits.

But opponents say it would make it nearly impossible for individuals with limited financial resources to challenge powerful corporations in court. The bill would apply both to pending and future class action and multi-district litigation.

“The bill is designed to ensure that no class action could ever be brought or litigated for anyone”, said Joanne Doroshow, executive director of the Center for Justice & Democracy. “It would obliterate civil rights, antitrust, consumer, essentially every class action in America.”

EU Citizens’ Initiative

Meanwhile in Europe, an EU Citizens’ Initiative has just been launched demanding that glyphosate is banned in all EU countries. Once 1 million signatures have been received from at least seven EU countries, the proposal will have to be debated in the European Parliament.

The petition, reachable via the Stop Glyphosate website, calls on the European Commission to:

  • ban glyphosate-based herbicides, exposure to which has been linked to cancer in humans, and has led to ecosystems degradation;
  • ensure that the scientific evaluation of pesticides for EU regulatory approval is based only on published studies, which are commissioned by competent public authorities instead of the pesticide industry;
  • set EU-wide mandatory reduction targets for pesticide use, with a view to achieving a pesticide-free future.”

 


 

Carey Gillam is a veteran journalist and Research Director for US Right to Know, a non-profit consumer education group. Follow Carey Gillam on Twitter @careygillam.

This article originally appeared on Huffington Post.

 

Suppressed EPA toxicologist: ‘it is essentially certain that glyphosate causes cancer’

Now it’s getting interesting.

A new court filing made on behalf of dozens of people claiming Monsanto Co.’s Roundup herbicide gave them cancer includes information about alleged efforts within the Environmental Protection Agency to protect Monsanto’s interests and unfairly aid the agrichemical industry.

The filing, made late Friday by plaintiff’s attorneys, includes what the attorneys represent to be correspondence from a 30-year career EPA scientist accusing top-ranking EPA official Jess Rowland of playing “your political conniving games with the science” to favor pesticide manufacturers such as Monsanto.

Rowland oversaw the EPA’s cancer assessment for glyphosate, the key ingredient in Monsanto’s weed-killing products, and was a key author of a report finding glyphosate was not likely to be carcinogenic.

But in the correspondence, longtime EPA toxicologist Marion Copley cites evidence from animal studies and writes: “It is essentially certain that glyphosate causes cancer.”

This could be a game-changer, say cancer campaigners

Attorneys for the plaintiffs declined to say how they obtained the correspondence, which is dated March 4, 2013. The date of the letter comes after Copley left the EPA in 2012 and shortly before she died from breast cancer at the age of 66 in January 2014.

She accuses Rowland of having “intimidated staff” to change reports to favor industry, and writes that research on glyphosate, the key ingredient in Monsanto’s Roundup, shows the pesticide should be categorized as a “probable human carcinogen”.

The International Agency for Research on Cancer, an arm of the World Health Organization, declared as much – that glyphosate was a probable human carcinogen – in March 2015 after reviewing multiple scientific studies. Monsanto has rejected that classification and has mounted a campaign to discredit IARC scientists.

The communication, if authentic, could be an explosive development in the snowballing multi-district litigation that now comprises more than 60 plaintiffs from around the United States accusing Monsanto of covering up evidence that Roundup herbicide could cause cancer.

The plaintiffs, all of whom are suffering from non-Hodgkin lymphoma (NHL) or lost a loved one to NHL, have asserted in recent court filings that Monsanto wielded significant influence within the EPA’s Office of Pesticide Programs (OPP), and had close ties specifically to Rowland, who until last year was deputy division director within the health effects division of the OPP.

Rowland managed the work of scientists who assessed human health effects of exposures to pesticides like glyphosate and he chaired the EPA’s Cancer Assessment Review Committee (CARC) that determined glyphosate was “not likely to be carcinogenic to humans.”

Rowland left the EPA in 2016 shortly after a copy of the CARC report was leaked and cited by Monsanto as evidence that the IARC classification was flawed.

The light of day must shine on these murky dealings

Lawyers for the plaintiffs want the federal judge in the case to lift a seal on documents that detail Monsanto’s interactions with Rowland regarding the EPA’s safety assessment of glyphosate.

Monsanto turned the documents over in discovery but marked them ‘confidential’, a designation plaintiffs’ attorneys say is improper. They also want to depose Rowland. But Monsanto and the EPA object to the requests, court documents show. Rowland could not be reached for comment.

Plaintiffs’ attorneys wrote in the Feb. 10 filing in the multi-district litigation, which has been consolidated in the US District Court for the Northern District of California, that Mr Rowland must now tell the court what he knows:

“The Plaintiffs have a pressing need for Mr. Rowland’s testimony to confirm his relationship with Monsanto and EPA’s substantial role in protecting the Defendant’s business. Mr. Rowland operated under Monsanto’s influence to cause EPA’s position and publications to support Monsanto’s business.”

The EPA has spent the last few years assessing the health and environmental safety profile of glyphosate as global controversy over the chemical has mounted. The agency had planned to finish its risk assessment on glyphosate in 2015; then said it would be completed in 2016; then said it would be finished by the first quarter of 2017. Now the agency says it hopes to have it completed by the end of the third quarter of 2017.

Monsanto: plaintiffs must prove every cancer was caused by Roundup

Monsanto also made a new filing in the litigation on Friday, laying out its assertion that there is no evidence Roundup and glyphosate products are “defective or unreasonably dangerous” and said the products complied with “all applicable government safety standards”. There is no evidence of carcinogenicity in glyphosate or Roundup, Monsanto said in its filing.

In a separate filing made on Feb. 8, Monsanto submitted a court brief arguing that the IARC classification of glyphosate as a probable human carcinogen is not relevant to the question of whether or not Roundup caused the plaintiffs’ cancers.

IARC’s approach is “less rigorous” than EPA’s in evaluating scientific evidence, according to the brief, and IARC’s conclusions are “scientifically unreliable”.

Monsanto told the court that neither the views of IARC or EPA are necessarily relevant to the general causation issue of the litigation because plaintiffs will need to present admissible expert testimony showing the company’s products in fact caused their cancers.

Now, a cunning plan to block class action suits against corporate abuses

As the litigation drags on, legislation that could potentially benefit Monsanto and numerous other companies facing consumer class action lawsuits was proposed on Feb. 9. The ‘Fairness in Class Action Litigation Act of 2017’ (H.R. 985) was introduced in the US House of Representatives by House Judiciary Chairman Bob Goodlatte (R-VA.)

Business interests backing the law say it would reduce frivolous suits and ensure that plaintiffs receive the bulk of any damage awards rather than enriching the attorneys who bring such lawsuits.

But opponents say it would make it nearly impossible for individuals with limited financial resources to challenge powerful corporations in court. The bill would apply both to pending and future class action and multi-district litigation.

“The bill is designed to ensure that no class action could ever be brought or litigated for anyone”, said Joanne Doroshow, executive director of the Center for Justice & Democracy. “It would obliterate civil rights, antitrust, consumer, essentially every class action in America.”

EU Citizens’ Initiative

Meanwhile in Europe, an EU Citizens’ Initiative has just been launched demanding that glyphosate is banned in all EU countries. Once 1 million signatures have been received from at least seven EU countries, the proposal will have to be debated in the European Parliament.

The petition, reachable via the Stop Glyphosate website, calls on the European Commission to:

  • ban glyphosate-based herbicides, exposure to which has been linked to cancer in humans, and has led to ecosystems degradation;
  • ensure that the scientific evaluation of pesticides for EU regulatory approval is based only on published studies, which are commissioned by competent public authorities instead of the pesticide industry;
  • set EU-wide mandatory reduction targets for pesticide use, with a view to achieving a pesticide-free future.”

 


 

Carey Gillam is a veteran journalist and Research Director for US Right to Know, a non-profit consumer education group. Follow Carey Gillam on Twitter @careygillam.

This article originally appeared on Huffington Post.

 

Keep UK taxpayers off the hook for Moorside nuclear black hole!

It would appear that the UK government’s nuclear power policy is taking another hit.

Toshiba’s financial state is so bad – as a result of the disastrous losses in its nuclear business in North America – that it was expected to announce today a $6.3 billion writedown.

In the event it decided to keep quiet for now, giving rise to speculation that the truth is even worse. After a disastrous few months for Toshiba’s investors, the company began the day with a further 9% fall, and the resignation of its chairman.

Toshiba was also expected announce today that it’s pulling out of the NuGen project, taking 60% of the funding for the three reactors planned for Moorside in Cumbria with it. That didn’t happen either – but it still looks very much on the cards.

Its official position is that it “remains committed” to the project. By way of clarification, Toshiba president Satoshi Tsunakawa told reporters in Tokyo his firm was still involved “with the condition that we don’t take responsibility over construction work”. Or, presumably, financing.

By way of further clarification, a the company indicated that it was looking to sell its stake, but not yet. A spokesman also explained to the BBC that Toshiba had never actually committed to building the plant in the first place.

What it will take: billions, or rather tens of billions, of our money

Right on cue, stories have appeared in the press saying that government is thinking about or even under pressure to inject huge amounts of taxpayers cash into the project in order to get it built.

The same issue is emerging over at the proposed nuclear project at Wylfa on Anglesey. One of these reports notes that “proposals for public investment [are] being pushed primarily by industry rather than ministers.” Well, of course.

Now let’s get this straight: If the UK government takes stake in these projects, it would be expensive. A 25% share in both NuGen and Anglesey could cost over £7 billion – and that’s before taking into account the cost overruns synonymous with nuclear projects.

This would still leave over £20bn other investment to find, but is a substantial commitment of public money. So it is worth spending a few moments to consider why direct government funding of these nuclear stations is such an eccentric and ill-conceived idea.

First, why do these projects need public funding? The obvious answer is that private investors think they are too risky and too poor a return, even at the high price of £92.50 (2012 prices) that EDF got for their Hinkley Point plant.

So why are they risky? Well, one of key reasons Toshiba is in such deep financial trouble is that its reactor design, the AP1000, has never been completed and operated, and is actually more costly and difficult to build that it thought. Its four AP1000 reactors now under construction in the US are ruinously late and over-budget.

Which is very likely why the other private investor in the Moorside consortium, Engie, is also reportedly trying to pull out.

Meanwhile the Japanese company Hitachi are planning to build the proposed plant in Anglesey. In their favour four actual ABWR reactors have been built, in Japan. The downside? Their reliability has been poor.

The 2011 accident at Fukushima closed down all Japanese reactors, but according to IAEA the load factor – the proportion of time the reactors were generating power – for those ABWRs in the period between 2007-11 had been below 50%.

Neither proposed plant is crying out as a good bet for a private investor. So why would it be a better investment for a government? Or for British taxpayers?

‘Special nuclear’

It might be considered that government involvement would lower the interest rate and reduce the cost. Indeed it would. But if one sets aside the consideration that other detrimental things are being done to reduce government financial liabilities, what’s so special about nuclear?

Solar, offshore wind, tidal power and heat networks would help with decarbonisation, are all capital intensive, and would have costs reduced for billpayers if government got involved. They would also likely value this kind of support.

So the only reason for this marked departure from normal economics is because the UK government considers that nuclear has a crucial role in decarbonisation of the power sector.

Because their own (unpublished and therefore unverifiable by informed external experts) “analysis tells us that decarbonisation of the power sector can be achieved most cheaply, securely and reliably if nuclear remains a core part of the UK’s energy system.”

This is an increasingly contentious statement.

Alternatives – quicker, cheaper, cleaner

Other cheaper forms of low carbon power have had their funding stopped because “as costs continue to fall it becomes easier for parts of the renewables industry to survive without subsidies. We’re taking action to protect consumers”.

This taking action to protect consumers does not extend to nuclear power, where the real costs have not come down in 50 years, and despite the hype there appears to be no prospect of them doing so.

Government has also failed to pursue other, cheaper forms of decarb like energy efficiency. And even other forms of low carbon power are undercutting nuclear, with offshore wind set to be cheaper than nuclear long before the first nuclear power station is built.

Intermittency can be dealt with to a significant degree solved by combination of interconnection (see below), demand response and storage, the latter of which are coming down sharply in price.

Bloomberg now talk about base cost renewables as being the most sensible basis for low cost power in the future, and the argument that we need the kind of ‘baseload’ power that nuclear provides has been dismissed by former head of National Grid as outdated.

Brexit: we lose again

Interconnection is very valuable to UK consumers, and although hard to estimate the actual household savings, it is probably tens of pounds per year.

It lowers bills because the UK is currently part of the single EU market in electricity, something it appears UK government may be keen to retain as part of Brexit negotiations. But if we’re part of a single market we’ll need to stick to the market rules, and direct state funding of new nuclear power stations is not obviously compatible with that.

So the proposal to directly fund expensive nuclear, in addition to the direct costs, would sacrifice membership of the single market which saves hard-working families at least tens of pounds per year.

There simply is no case for a special case for nuclear.

If it can’t survive the market disciplines that other forms of generation have to achieve, there are better alternatives now available, and there’s no reason to subsidise it.

 


 

Dr Doug Parr is Policy Director of Greenpeace UK.

This article is an updated version of one originally published on Greenpeace Energydesk.

 

Suppressed EPA toxicologist: ‘it is essentially certain that glyphosate causes cancer’

Now it’s getting interesting.

A new court filing made on behalf of dozens of people claiming Monsanto Co.’s Roundup herbicide gave them cancer includes information about alleged efforts within the Environmental Protection Agency to protect Monsanto’s interests and unfairly aid the agrichemical industry.

The filing, made late Friday by plaintiff’s attorneys, includes what the attorneys represent to be correspondence from a 30-year career EPA scientist accusing top-ranking EPA official Jess Rowland of playing “your political conniving games with the science” to favor pesticide manufacturers such as Monsanto.

Rowland oversaw the EPA’s cancer assessment for glyphosate, the key ingredient in Monsanto’s weed-killing products, and was a key author of a report finding glyphosate was not likely to be carcinogenic.

But in the correspondence, longtime EPA toxicologist Marion Copley cites evidence from animal studies and writes: “It is essentially certain that glyphosate causes cancer.”

This could be a game-changer, say cancer campaigners

Attorneys for the plaintiffs declined to say how they obtained the correspondence, which is dated March 4, 2013. The date of the letter comes after Copley left the EPA in 2012 and shortly before she died from breast cancer at the age of 66 in January 2014.

She accuses Rowland of having “intimidated staff” to change reports to favor industry, and writes that research on glyphosate, the key ingredient in Monsanto’s Roundup, shows the pesticide should be categorized as a “probable human carcinogen”.

The International Agency for Research on Cancer, an arm of the World Health Organization, declared as much – that glyphosate was a probable human carcinogen – in March 2015 after reviewing multiple scientific studies. Monsanto has rejected that classification and has mounted a campaign to discredit IARC scientists.

The communication, if authentic, could be an explosive development in the snowballing multi-district litigation that now comprises more than 60 plaintiffs from around the United States accusing Monsanto of covering up evidence that Roundup herbicide could cause cancer.

The plaintiffs, all of whom are suffering from non-Hodgkin lymphoma (NHL) or lost a loved one to NHL, have asserted in recent court filings that Monsanto wielded significant influence within the EPA’s Office of Pesticide Programs (OPP), and had close ties specifically to Rowland, who until last year was deputy division director within the health effects division of the OPP.

Rowland managed the work of scientists who assessed human health effects of exposures to pesticides like glyphosate and he chaired the EPA’s Cancer Assessment Review Committee (CARC) that determined glyphosate was “not likely to be carcinogenic to humans.”

Rowland left the EPA in 2016 shortly after a copy of the CARC report was leaked and cited by Monsanto as evidence that the IARC classification was flawed.

The light of day must shine on these murky dealings

Lawyers for the plaintiffs want the federal judge in the case to lift a seal on documents that detail Monsanto’s interactions with Rowland regarding the EPA’s safety assessment of glyphosate.

Monsanto turned the documents over in discovery but marked them ‘confidential’, a designation plaintiffs’ attorneys say is improper. They also want to depose Rowland. But Monsanto and the EPA object to the requests, court documents show. Rowland could not be reached for comment.

Plaintiffs’ attorneys wrote in the Feb. 10 filing in the multi-district litigation, which has been consolidated in the US District Court for the Northern District of California, that Mr Rowland must now tell the court what he knows:

“The Plaintiffs have a pressing need for Mr. Rowland’s testimony to confirm his relationship with Monsanto and EPA’s substantial role in protecting the Defendant’s business. Mr. Rowland operated under Monsanto’s influence to cause EPA’s position and publications to support Monsanto’s business.”

The EPA has spent the last few years assessing the health and environmental safety profile of glyphosate as global controversy over the chemical has mounted. The agency had planned to finish its risk assessment on glyphosate in 2015; then said it would be completed in 2016; then said it would be finished by the first quarter of 2017. Now the agency says it hopes to have it completed by the end of the third quarter of 2017.

Monsanto: plaintiffs must prove every cancer was caused by Roundup

Monsanto also made a new filing in the litigation on Friday, laying out its assertion that there is no evidence Roundup and glyphosate products are “defective or unreasonably dangerous” and said the products complied with “all applicable government safety standards”. There is no evidence of carcinogenicity in glyphosate or Roundup, Monsanto said in its filing.

In a separate filing made on Feb. 8, Monsanto submitted a court brief arguing that the IARC classification of glyphosate as a probable human carcinogen is not relevant to the question of whether or not Roundup caused the plaintiffs’ cancers.

IARC’s approach is “less rigorous” than EPA’s in evaluating scientific evidence, according to the brief, and IARC’s conclusions are “scientifically unreliable”.

Monsanto told the court that neither the views of IARC or EPA are necessarily relevant to the general causation issue of the litigation because plaintiffs will need to present admissible expert testimony showing the company’s products in fact caused their cancers.

Now, a cunning plan to block class action suits against corporate abuses

As the litigation drags on, legislation that could potentially benefit Monsanto and numerous other companies facing consumer class action lawsuits was proposed on Feb. 9. The ‘Fairness in Class Action Litigation Act of 2017’ (H.R. 985) was introduced in the US House of Representatives by House Judiciary Chairman Bob Goodlatte (R-VA.)

Business interests backing the law say it would reduce frivolous suits and ensure that plaintiffs receive the bulk of any damage awards rather than enriching the attorneys who bring such lawsuits.

But opponents say it would make it nearly impossible for individuals with limited financial resources to challenge powerful corporations in court. The bill would apply both to pending and future class action and multi-district litigation.

“The bill is designed to ensure that no class action could ever be brought or litigated for anyone”, said Joanne Doroshow, executive director of the Center for Justice & Democracy. “It would obliterate civil rights, antitrust, consumer, essentially every class action in America.”

EU Citizens’ Initiative

Meanwhile in Europe, an EU Citizens’ Initiative has just been launched demanding that glyphosate is banned in all EU countries. Once 1 million signatures have been received from at least seven EU countries, the proposal will have to be debated in the European Parliament.

The petition, reachable via the Stop Glyphosate website, calls on the European Commission to:

  • ban glyphosate-based herbicides, exposure to which has been linked to cancer in humans, and has led to ecosystems degradation;
  • ensure that the scientific evaluation of pesticides for EU regulatory approval is based only on published studies, which are commissioned by competent public authorities instead of the pesticide industry;
  • set EU-wide mandatory reduction targets for pesticide use, with a view to achieving a pesticide-free future.”

 


 

Carey Gillam is a veteran journalist and Research Director for US Right to Know, a non-profit consumer education group. Follow Carey Gillam on Twitter @careygillam.

This article originally appeared on Huffington Post.

 

New Mooncup campaign offers a more eco-friendly alternative to disposable sanitary-ware

Reusable sanitary product pioneer Mooncup have come up with a film that shines a light on the drama of disposable sanitary products, inviting us to leave the past behind and choose another way. 

Since Mooncup started in 2002, it has been chipping away at the shame associated with periods and the fact that most of us reach out on ‘autopilot’ for disposables every month, without knowing there’s a better option.

From the mischief of the ‘Love your vagina’ campaign in 2010 to the Tampon vs Mooncup rap battle, Mooncup has played its part in changing the conversation around periods. But in an advertising landscape in which ‘body confidence’ is used to sell shower creams, and where chemical-laden disposable sanitary products are marketed through feminism-lite, Mooncup decided to try a different tack – a more ‘throwaway’ laugh to call attention to a seriously liberating possibility. ‘Own your period’ celebrates independence and self-sufficiency. As one Mooncup lasts for years, those who choose Mooncup are freed from monthly trips to the feminine hygiene aisle and their long-term relationship with the ‘san pro’ multinationals.

Mooncup founder Su Hardy says: “From day one we’ve had one aim: to make the experience of periods more positive, healthy and eco-friendly. But even as we become more conscientious in many of our choices, typically, we tend to continue using the disposables we were introduced to as teenagers which are now clogging up landfills and polluting beaches, not to mention absorbing more than we need them to and leaving toxins behind. We believe Mooncup users make proactive choices: we want to encourage thousands more to ‘own their period’.”

It is clear that many of us are actively engaged in making positive lifestyle changes, with 70% of us reporting making efforts to reduce the amount of household waste we create. However only 1 in 10 of us have made the switch from disposable to reusable menstrual products, despite an individual being likely to use 11,000 throw-away sanitary items over their lifetime. Using the Mooncup is a simple way to dramatically reduce the waste we produce.

The film launched this month and links up nicely with Mooncup’s new look website where you can find out more, and answer any questions you have about using the Mooncup.

More information here:

http://www.mooncup.co.uk/who-we-are/campaigns/period-drama/ 

https://www.youtube.com/embed/mTEI-WdZA2c

 

 

 

Gene drives: the scientific case for a complete and perpetual ban

One of the central issues of our day is how to safely manage the outputs of industrial innovation.

Novel products incorporating nanotechnology, biotechnology, rare metals, microwaves, novel chemicals, and more, enter the market on a daily basis.

Yet none of these products come with an adequate data set of scientific information. Nor do they come with a clear intellectual framework within which their risks can be placed, as disputes over the precautionary principle show.

The majority of products receive no regulatory supervision at all. How will the product be disposed of? What populations and which ecosystems will be exposed in the course of its advertised uses? What will be the consequences of accidental, off-label or illegal uses?

Typically, none of these kinds of questions are adequately asked by government regulatory agencies unless citizens actively prod them to do so. In consequence of these defects, we expose our world to unique hazards with every product launch. In comparison with its tremendous importance, this is surely one of the least discussed issues of our day.

The spectrum of regulation

Regulation of the products of industrial processes comes in quite diverse forms. At one extreme is the US airline industry.

Commercial airplanes are intensively regulated throughout their lives, from design to production, maintenance and operation. When plane accidents occur, an intensive and independent investigation is carried out and little expense is spared searching for the parts, which may even be retrieved from the bottom of the ocean.

When the investigation is concluded, recommendations are made. Not infrequently, aircraft design or maintenance is subsequently altered and planes already manufactured may be recalled.

This regulatory process is thus characterized by extensive and continuous feedback between all parts of the system: aircrew, regulators, maintenance crews, manufacturers, etc. This iterative type of regulatory supervision is widely viewed as successful and uncontroversial. Indeed, the airline industry has proportionately few deaths given the inherently hazardous and unnatural nature of flight.

In significant contrast is the regulation of the products of the chemical industry. The standard model for those synthetic chemicals that do not evade regulation entirely is to release them in a single decision. This decision is typically referred to as the ‘approval’ or ‘deregulation’ event.

After the approval decision is made, further data are sometimes collected and chemical re-registration may sometimes be required, but the approval decision is in many senses irreversible – for example, because recall is a practical impossibility.

This type of regulation, which applies also to pharmaceuticals, crop biotechnology, and medical devices is thus characterized by only a minimal iterative component. The contrast with airplane safety, with its numerous systematized and formalized opportunities for feedback and learning with respect to each product, is significant.

The question of endpoints

A further contrast between airplane safety and chemical (or GMO) safety is in the number of endpoints – that is, potential specific hazards – that need to be taken into account. The relative simplicity and success of airline safety follows significantly from the fact that the number of potential negative outcomes are few and well defined. With the exception of hijacking, a plane crash is almost the sole endpoint of airplane safety.

Each product of the chemical and biotech industries, on the other hand, has a close to infinite list of potential negative outcomes. In 2007 the French government was presented with a report by professor Dominique Belpomme into the health of the population of the Caribbean islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe.

According to that report, the 800,000 inhabitants faced a “health disaster” as a result of the spraying of the banana pesticide chlordecone. Half the male population would develop prostate cancer, infertility on the islands is rising, and all children on the islands are contaminated. Chlordecone will remain in the soil for up to a century.

Chlordecone was part of a pattern. Beginning with Lead-Arsenate, via DDT and other chlorinated hydrocarbons, and continuing successively through organophosphates and neonicotinoids, a long line of chemical insecticide families have entered widespread use only to be discarded or banned for their broad negative ecological and health consequences.

The primary reason for this pattern of insufficient foresight by regulators and experts is that any single synthetic chemical, such as a pesticide, may potentially cause an enormous number and diversity of harms. They may result in reproductive toxicity, neurotoxicity, or carcinogenicity, for example, to any of a very large (often unknown) number of species.

Moreover, these harms may vary according to life stages, with environmental or dietary conditions, the presence of other pollutants, and so forth. Furthermore, these harms may occur near to or far from the places and times where the chemical was used. Even pharmaceuticals, where negative endpoints have historically been considered to be limited to individual patients, can yield surprises.

Cutting through the complexity problem – just ignore it!

For example, contraceptives entering sewage systems may later contaminate water bodies and so disrupt the endocrine systems of fish (Fick et al. 2010).

A few authors have argued that the history of chemical regulation, from the point of view of protecting public health and ecological health, is better described as a long line of failure brought on unavoidably by the fact that such a myriad of endpoints greatly exceeds the practical and financial limitations of science.

This is both because of the potential diversity and number of harmful endpoints, and because each endpoint requires a specific scientific experiment – or at least specific data collection (3,4).

Thus, endpoints as exotic as the reproductive consequences for fish of contraceptive hormones filtered by the human kidney (and by a sewage system) need to be explicitly considered and experimentally measured as part of the regulatory system, in order to avoid major health and ecological harms.

Yet regulators are faced with the genuine unavoidable conundrum of the sheer number of such potential outcomes. Listing them all is impossible and investigating them is inconceivable. There are, by many orders of magnitude, too many.

The number of possible toxicological endpoints of a single chemical is enormous, yet failure to explicitly consider and measure each and every one of them could potentially lead to a public health disaster on the scale of Martinique and Guadeloupe or an ecological one on the scale of neonicotinoids (5).

In short, one can show that regulations covering industrial products vary along two main parameters. Those two parameters are:

1) the iterative nature (or otherwise) of the regulatory process applied to them, and

2) the number of potential negative endpoints needing to be explicitly considered.

Combining these two parameters with some relatively uncontroversial estimates of regulatory success suggests a simple hypothesis: that products having fewer endpoints and subjected to regulatory processes with more iterations are those most likely to be safe.

The underlying logic to this position is straightforward: Iterations allow mistakes to be corrected while fewer endpoints make regulation simpler and more manageable.

The endpoints of agricultural biotechnology

In comparison to synthetic chemicals, GMOs intended for agricultural use have a similarly large, perhaps greater, number of potential hazardous endpoints. They may harm human and other intended consumers, soils, other crops, non-target insects, and so forth.

Nevertheless, agricultural GMOs are in some sense relatively contained with respect to the harms they can cause for the reason that many GMO varieties used in agriculture are restricted in their reproductive potential. Most commonly by virtue of their frost sensitivity. Such crops include maize and soybeans in most of the United States.

This natural biological containment acts as a severe restriction on the possibility of harm by eliminating most long term interactions outside of the agriculture and food system. Thus the number of endpoints needing to be considered in risk assessment is greatly reduced.

There are some GMO crop varieties, however, which are not subject to such natural containment. Creeping bentgrass (Agrostis stolonifera) is a turf grass for which the Scotts corporation (in collaboration with Monsanto) has created a GMO version resistant to the herbicide glyphosate.

The Scotts GMO bentgrass was open field-tested by the company in preparation for marketing between 2001 and 2003. However, it escaped from several company test sites. Whether mainly by pollen flow or by seed dispersal is not known, but glyphosate-tolerant A. stolonifera can currently (as of 2016) be found in several Oregon counties and in neighboring Idaho (6).

The escape of this GMO grass has created problems for weed management of water- ways. Since A. stolonifera is a wind- pollinated species, we can anticipate that, in the absence of a dramatic intervention, GMO A. stolonifera transgenes will spread globally to wherever this grass grows wild.

GMO herbicide-tolerant canola (Brassica napus) has been approved for agricultural use in Canada, the US, and Australia. Within those countries, herbicide-tolerant canola GMO populations have been found growing as feral populations. Feral GMO canola populations have also been found in Great Britain, Japan and France (7).

The third example of an uncontained GMO is corn in Mexico (8). The above countries might consider themselves lucky that creeping bentgrass and feral canola are (so far) largely agricultural annoyances. GMO corn often contains one or more members of the Cry family of insecticidal proteins.

In much of Mexico, unlike most of the US, corn growth is not restricted by frost – which means that, in essence, self- replicating insecticides are spreading across the landscape. This corn arguably represents a degree of risk to ecological and food systems that exceeds the threat from chemical pesticides.

Application to gene drives

Gene drives, as currently envisaged, and as explained elsewhere in this issue, are techniques to promote the inheritance of specific alleles. Gene drives typically rely on the introduction of CRISPR RNA and Cas9 type proteins from integrated transgenes to drive gene frequencies. Their ultimate goal is to alter the genetic composition of populations, including for the purposes of engineering population crashes or extinctions.

Because they rely on in vitro techniques to introduce foreign gene sequences, gene drives are technical extensions of biotechnology. From the present point of view of risk, however, the main distinction between gene driven organisms and most GMO crops is that gene drive organisms are explicitly designed to live and reproduce in the wild.

Conventional understanding is that gene drives can be regulated within standard frameworks (9). If we consider gene driven organisms in the terms of the framework outlined here, however, gene drive organisms approximate a perfect storm.

They are ‘products’ that will likely not be able to be recalled, so any approval decision point must be presumed to be final and irreversible; and their reproductive and dispersal abilities imply the need to test a great number of endpoints, perhaps even more than either synthetic chemicals or agricultural GMOs.

Toxicity, unpredictability, total lack of post-release control

Some sample questions can illustrate the diversity of endpoints relevant to gene drive organisms.

For example, will gene driven organisms, such as mice or mosquitoes, be hazardous to the predators that eat them, either as the prey species drive their own population extinct (if that is their intention), or if they fail to do so? The scientific grounds for posing this question are substantial.

One is the documented unpredictability of genetic engineering processes. This unpredictability is especially a concern in the pest organisms for which gene drives are presumably intended since they are largely uncharacterized in comparison to the agricultural varieties that are the standard objects of genetic engineering.

The second scientific grounds for concern about the toxicity of gene drive organisms are the specific gene sequences that will be added. For instance, Oxitec’s GMO (but not gene drive) diamond back moth (Plutella xylostella), already planned for experimental releases in New York State, contains DNA from several viral pathogens including Herpes Simplex Virus (HSV) (10,11). Whether genes from viral pathogens can ever be safely inserted and used in other organisms is still an open question (12).

Other key questions center around whether gene drives will spread from the original species to others with which it may sometimes interbreed. The importance of this is firstly that the gene drive is likely to negatively impact these other species. More than that, any unwanted and unanticipated impacts of the gene drive will be felt outside the predicted impact zone if gene drives spread beyond the original species.

A third set of questions surely must center around whether the evolutionary trajectory of gene drive components can be adequately controlled and predicted given the complex assorting and mutating inherent in the concept of gene drives.

The only sane regulatory response: just say ‘No!’

Posing such questions foregrounds the crucial underlying point: that the number of potential hazardous end-points needing to be investigated to establish the safety of a gene drive in the numerous conditions it will inevitably encounter will be vast. This is especially so when each question cannot be considered alone since none of them exist in isolation.

The consequence is that no nation is financially or otherwise capable of operating such a science program, especially when these three questions represent the tip of an iceberg.

Compounding this main issue is that a large proportion of such endpoints cannot be credibly investigated outside of ecologically realistic environments, and such experiments are invariably expensive and laborious. Ideally, one would need a planet B to do such them.

It needs also to be considered that answering such questions would require unique and unprecedented scientific protocols. Imagine we wanted to test the toxicity of gene driven mosquitoes to bats, or test the behavioral characteristics of gene driven mosquitoes. There are unlikely to be scientific precedents, in terms of techniques and expertise, for such experiments.

These are the harsh realities that regulatory systems have long ignored. Having failed to protect the population against synthetic chemicals and failed to protect the environment from GMOs, it is illogical to expect that regulation organized on conventional lines will protect us from gene drives or any other wild GMO organisms.

This leads to just one conclusion. Unless a radically novel system of regulation can be invented, we should forget about gene drives. Just as we would have been better off foregoing agricultural pesticides and fungicides because regulatory systems lacked the rigor to oversee them. Gene driven organisms equally must never be released.

 


 

Dr Jonathan R. Latham is editor of Independent Science News.

This article was originally published in GeneWatch Vol. 30, 2017) and comes to use via Independent Science News (CC BY-NC-ND).

References

1. ‘Health disaster’ in French Caribbean linked to pesticides.

2. Fick J et al. (2010) Therapeutic Levels of Levonorgestrel Detected in Blood Plasma of Fish: Results from Screening Rainbow Trout Exposed to Treated Sewage Effluents. Environ. Sci. Technol., 2010, 44 (7), pp 2661-2666.

3. Thornton J. (1999) Pandora’s Poison: Chlorine, Health, and a New Environmental Strategy. The MIT Press

4. Latham JR (2016) Unsafe at any Dose? Diagnosing Chemical Safety Failures, from DDT to BPA.

5. IUCN Taskforce on Systemic Pesticides 2015

6. Zapiola ML et al., (2008) Escape and establishment of transgenic glyphosate-resistant creeping bentgrass Agrostis stolonifera in Oregon, USA: a 4-year study J. Appl. Ecology 45: 486-494.

7. Schafer, M G. Ross A A., Londo J P., Burdick C A., Lee E. H, Travers S E., Van de Water P K., Sagers C L. (2011) The Establishment of Genetically Engineered Canola Populations in the US

8. D Quist & I H. Chapela (2001) Transgenic DNA introgressed into traditional maize landraces in Oaxaca, Mexico Nature 414, 541-543 doi:10.1038/35107068; Received 26 July 2001; Accepted 31 October 2001

9. de Andrade, Paulo Paes; Aragão, Francisco José Lima; Colli, Walter; Dellagostin, Odir Antônio; Finardi-Filho, Flávio; et al. 2016) Use of transgenic Aedes aegypti in Brazil: risk perception and assessment. Bulletin of the World Health Organization 94.10 (Oct 2016): 766-771.

10. This tiny moth is stirring up the GMO debate in New York.

Wallace, H. GeneWatch (Nov 2015) Oxitec’s genetically modi-fied moths: summary of concerns.

11. Latham JR, and AK Wilson (2008) Transcomplementation and Synergism in Plants: Implications for Viral Transgenes? Molecular Plant Pathology 9: 85-103.

 

Monarch butterflies down over a quarter in one year

The annual overwintering count of monarch butterflies released today confirms butterfly numbers fell by over a quarter from last year’s count.

Scientists report that this year’s population is down by 27% from last year’s count, and down by more than 80% from the mid-1990s.

This dramatic decline indicates that America’s most well-known butterfly is at ongoing risk of extinction.

This year’s drastic decline is attributed in part to extreme winter storms that killed millions of monarchs last March in Mexico’s mountain forests where 99% of the world’s monarchs migrate for the winter.

“The monarch butterfly is still in really big trouble and still needs really big help if we are going to save this beloved orange and black wonder for future generations”, said Tierra Curry, a senior scientist at the Center for Biological Diversity.

A recent study by the US Geological Survey concluded that there is a substantial probability that monarch butterflies east of the Rockies could decline to such low levels that they face extinction. Researchers estimate the probability that the monarch migration could collapse within the next 20 years is between 11% and 57%.

GMO crops and herbicides another driver of decline

The butterfly’s dramatic decline has been driven in large part by the widespread planting of genetically engineered crops. The vast majority of US corn and soybeans are genetically engineered for resistance to Monsanto’s Roundup herbicide, a potent killer of milkweed, the monarch caterpillar’s only food.

The dramatic surge in the use of Roundup and other herbicides with the same active ingredient (glyphosate) on Roundup Ready crops has virtually wiped out milkweed plants in Midwest corn and soybean fields.

Another risk comes from GMO crops engineered to express naturally occuring insecticides from Bacillus Thiringuensis (Bt) bacteria. The crops can express the toxin at levels that kill or harm Monarch and other butterfly caterpillars. They are also susceptible to the now widely used neonicotinoid insecticides, which can contaminate the nectar from treated crops.

“In addition to threats from more frequent and harsher weather events, monarchs are still severely jeopardized by the ever-increasing pesticides used with genetically-engineered crops destroying their habitat”, said George Kimbrell, senior attorney for Center for Food Safety. “We will continue to do everything we can to ensure monarchs have a future.”

In the past 20 years it is estimated that these once-common, iconic orange and black butterflies may have lost more than 165 million acres of habitat – an area about the size of Texas – including nearly a third of their summer breeding grounds.

The way of the Passenger pigeon?

Found throughout the United States during summer months, most monarchs from east of the Rockies winter in the mountains of central Mexico, where they form tight clusters on trees. Scientists from World Wildlife Fund Mexico estimate the population size by counting the number of hectares of trees covered by monarchs.

Monarchs need a very large population size to be resilient to threats from severe weather events, pesticides, climate change, disease and predation. A single winter storm in 2002 killed an estimated 500 million monarchs, roughly five times the size of the current population.

Logging on the monarch’s Mexican wintering grounds is also an ongoing concern. Scientists have also identified threats to the monarch during the fall migration including lack of nectaring habitat and insecticides.

Concerns over the extinction risk of the monarch led the Center for Biological Diversity, the Center for Food Safety, the Xerces Society and renowned monarch scientist Dr. Lincoln Brower to petition the US Fish and Wildlife Service in 2014 to protect the butterfly as threatened under the Endangered Species Act.

The Service is now conducting a review of its status and must decide on protection by 2019.

In Canada, the Committee on the Status of Endangered Wildlife has recommended that the Canadian government list the monarch as an endangered species. Monarch butterfly migration is now recognized as a ‘threatened phenomenon‘ by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature.

 


 

Principal source: Center for Food Safety (CFS).

CFS’s mission is to empower people, support farmers, and protect the earth from the harmful impacts of industrial agriculture. Please join our more than 800,000 consumer and farmer advocates across the country at www.centerforfoodsafety.org. Twitter: @CFSTrueFood, @CFS_Press

The Center for Biological Diversity is a national, nonprofit conservation organization with more than 1.1 million members and online activists dedicated to the protection of endangered species and wild places.  See website.