Monthly Archives: January 2019

Microplastics’ threat to nature

Environmental damage will be widespread within 100 years if microplastics continue to build up, the European academic advisory body SAPEA has said.

Its report, launched at The European Parliament, highlights a serious lack of knowledge about the future fall-out for people and the environment.

Dr Lesley Henderson, a Brunel University London media sociologist, said: “I knew that there was very little research that explores what the public understand about microplastics and risk.

Cultural change

“But I was surprised there are so many research gaps in the natural sciences. For example, how microplastics and nanoplastics are defined and measured can differ, and there are no standard measures for exposure and hazard.”

Dr Henderson’s insight will put policy makers in the picture about what messages people might take from what they hear, read and see about microplastics and risk.

Henderson continued: “We won’t solve the problem of plastic pollution without huge cultural and social change, and it is important to recognise this. 

“So policymakers need to be aware of the messages coming through different media. This is even more important given the speed with which scientific stories can be diffused across social media.

“Media plays a vital role in bringing about positive societal change, so it’s important to work with media and be clear where there is uncertainty in the scientific evidence.”

The report has been handed over to the European Commission’s Group of Chief Scientific Advisors, who will use it to shape their scientific opinion on microplastics.

Professor Bart Koelmans, from SAPEA, said: “The evidence about nano- and microplastics remains uncertain and complex. But a lack of evidence for risk doesn’t mean we should assume that there is no risk.

“As our social science colleagues point out, it’s vital we communicate clearly about uncertainties in the evidence, rather than just assuming that everything is fine just because we don’t know for sure.”

This Article 

This article is based on a press release from Brunel University, London. Read ‘A scientific perspective on microplastics in nature and society’ in full here

Microplastics’ threat to nature

Environmental damage will be widespread within 100 years if microplastics continue to build up, the European academic advisory body SAPEA has said.

Its report, launched at The European Parliament, highlights a serious lack of knowledge about the future fall-out for people and the environment.

Dr Lesley Henderson, a Brunel University London media sociologist, said: “I knew that there was very little research that explores what the public understand about microplastics and risk.

Cultural change

“But I was surprised there are so many research gaps in the natural sciences. For example, how microplastics and nanoplastics are defined and measured can differ, and there are no standard measures for exposure and hazard.”

Dr Henderson’s insight will put policy makers in the picture about what messages people might take from what they hear, read and see about microplastics and risk.

Henderson continued: “We won’t solve the problem of plastic pollution without huge cultural and social change, and it is important to recognise this. 

“So policymakers need to be aware of the messages coming through different media. This is even more important given the speed with which scientific stories can be diffused across social media.

“Media plays a vital role in bringing about positive societal change, so it’s important to work with media and be clear where there is uncertainty in the scientific evidence.”

The report has been handed over to the European Commission’s Group of Chief Scientific Advisors, who will use it to shape their scientific opinion on microplastics.

Professor Bart Koelmans, from SAPEA, said: “The evidence about nano- and microplastics remains uncertain and complex. But a lack of evidence for risk doesn’t mean we should assume that there is no risk.

“As our social science colleagues point out, it’s vital we communicate clearly about uncertainties in the evidence, rather than just assuming that everything is fine just because we don’t know for sure.”

This Article 

This article is based on a press release from Brunel University, London. Read ‘A scientific perspective on microplastics in nature and society’ in full here

Microplastics’ threat to nature

Environmental damage will be widespread within 100 years if microplastics continue to build up, the European academic advisory body SAPEA has said.

Its report, launched at The European Parliament, highlights a serious lack of knowledge about the future fall-out for people and the environment.

Dr Lesley Henderson, a Brunel University London media sociologist, said: “I knew that there was very little research that explores what the public understand about microplastics and risk.

Cultural change

“But I was surprised there are so many research gaps in the natural sciences. For example, how microplastics and nanoplastics are defined and measured can differ, and there are no standard measures for exposure and hazard.”

Dr Henderson’s insight will put policy makers in the picture about what messages people might take from what they hear, read and see about microplastics and risk.

Henderson continued: “We won’t solve the problem of plastic pollution without huge cultural and social change, and it is important to recognise this. 

“So policymakers need to be aware of the messages coming through different media. This is even more important given the speed with which scientific stories can be diffused across social media.

“Media plays a vital role in bringing about positive societal change, so it’s important to work with media and be clear where there is uncertainty in the scientific evidence.”

The report has been handed over to the European Commission’s Group of Chief Scientific Advisors, who will use it to shape their scientific opinion on microplastics.

Professor Bart Koelmans, from SAPEA, said: “The evidence about nano- and microplastics remains uncertain and complex. But a lack of evidence for risk doesn’t mean we should assume that there is no risk.

“As our social science colleagues point out, it’s vital we communicate clearly about uncertainties in the evidence, rather than just assuming that everything is fine just because we don’t know for sure.”

This Article 

This article is based on a press release from Brunel University, London. Read ‘A scientific perspective on microplastics in nature and society’ in full here

When ‘aliens’ attack Antarctica

A non-biting species of midge currently presents one of the highest risks to terrestrial ecosystems out of all the non-native species found in Antarctica, researchers have found.

Eretmoptera murphyi is a flightless midge that is thought to have been inadvertently transferred from South Georgia (sub-Antarctic), where it is endemic, to Signy Island (maritime Antarctic) during a plant transplant experiment in the 1960s.

It has since been able to establish itself with great success on Signy Island, leading to an estimated biomass 2-5 times greater than all native arthropods combined at sites where it occurs.

‘Decomposer’ species

A research team from the University of Birmingham and the British Antarctic Survey is studying how the midge is able to survive in extreme polar conditions and the impact it may have on the region.

The preliminary results, presented today at the British Ecological Society’s annual meeting in Birmingham, suggest that this single ‘decomposer’ species can lead to the release of as much nitrogen as is introduced in areas frequented by seals.

On Signy Island, this equates to a three- to four-fold increase relative to areas where the midge is not found.

As an animal which feeds on dead organic matter, and with no competitors or predators on the island, E. murphyi is able to release large volumes of nutrients into the soil, which in turn will affect peat decomposition and soil structure, thereby having wider impacts on all levels of biodiversity.

Jesamine Bartlett, a PhD candidate at the University of Birmingham who presented the findings at a conference, said: “It is basically doing the job of an earthworm, but in an ecosystem that has never had earthworms.”

Ecological impacts

To assess the ecological impacts of E. murphyi, the team collected information on its abundance and those of other invertebrates and microbes as well as environmental variables such as water content, organic carbon, soil nitrogen content and substrate composition. These were then compared to locations on the island where the midge did not occur.

More soil and shallower moss banks were present at sites where the midge was most abundant, suggesting that the midge is eating its way through the peat in the moss banks and turning it into soil.

Bartlett said: “This is concerning as Signy Island hosts some of the best examples of moss banks in the Antarctic region. It is also home to Antarctica’s only two flowering plant species, the hair grass and pearlwort.”

The threat of introducing invasive species into the Antarctic’s long-isolated ecosystems is growing, not least due to rapid regional warming and increased levels of human activity.  

Accidental introductions

Professor Peter Convey of the British Antarctic Survey, said: “Visitors to Antarctica are subject to increasingly strict biosecurity measures but accidental introductions continue to occur. Midge larvae, for instance, are tiny and cannot be seen easily with the naked eye.

“Tourists and researchers may be bringing them in from their stopovers in the sub-Antarctic and moving them around the continent in the mud on their boots.”

As part of this study, the ecologists are highlighting the risk of transferring soil and invertebrates throughout the Antarctic Treaty area and are looking at existing biosecurity protocols in order to minimise the spread of invasive species.

Dr Scott Hayward, also from the University of Birmingham, concluded: “We already know that E. murphyi is physiologically capable of surviving conditions much further south, for example on the Antarctic Peninsula, so controlling the risk of spread is critically important.”

This Article 

This article is based on a press release from the British Ecological Society. 

Davos and ‘capitalist time’

It’s Davos time again. Our overlords are arriving at the Alpine resort for the World Economic Forum (WEF). But the ski slopes all around are melting. The mountain’s snowline is receding.

As they gather, they’re unpacking environmental anxieties and comparing magic bullets. We hear Adair Turner, the former CBI Director, call for the large-scale expansion of agrofuels and hydrogen—without the slightest grasp of the destructive effects of the former or the wastefulness and colossal energy thirst of the latter.

Turner’s colleague, WEF Director Klaus Schwab, is gesturing airily at ‘public-private partnerships’ and ‘technology.’ Business as almost-usual. Future hope, he says, lies with the CEOs (and shhh, please tiptoe around the oil giants). It’s the polite liberal etiquette of climate change: rhetorical dedication, practical denial.

Schwab tries to integrate ‘time’ into his diagnosis. “Quarterly reporting cycles and shorter terms of office cut time horizons for decision-makers. The urgent scientific message on climate change finds it hard to cut through the news cycle.” This is not wrong, but is flimsy and evasive. For time is indeed of the essence. What is ‘Davos time’? How does ‘capitalist time’ intersect with ‘ecological time’ — the CEOs amidst the snowmelt?

Economies of time

We can find a few pointers in a novel set in early twentieth-century Davos: Thomas Mann’s The Magic Mountain.

Davos today is a jet-set magnet, thanks to its climate and elevation – ideal for skiing. Back then a sprinkling of Europe’s upper crust congregated at its sanatoriums, for which the climate and elevation were similarly suited.

Magic Mountain is a time-rich novel. It asks: is time a linear axis of existence or is it subjective and non-linear, a concertina? Is boredom the ‘compression of time’?

The novel interrogates temporality. By this I mean the structures through which humans perceive and organise time, through the rhythms of their interaction with the natural environment (diurnal and seasonal cycles) and through technologies, myths, music, and so forth.

Temporalities and timescapes vary across space and through history, with different ‘economies’ embodying diverse dispositions of time. Who owns the future: the gods on Mount Olympus, or is it – like credit – a resource to be exploited by the monied classes? In a capitalist society, time is sliced and priced by states and capital — a time-money continuum.

“Time and the world”

In its own temporality, The Magic Mountain is classically ‘modern.’ Through a protagonist-centred narrative continuum, the present is looped through the past and toward the future. Narrative time is synced to clock time, and a focus on the detailed interactions of everyday life facilitates a tight control of tempo. As a Bildungsromanit foregrounds processes of development and (self-)discovery. 

In short, it represents a late flourish of classical literary realism. The novel’s genre was keyed to a particular social order: bourgeois, individualistic and meliorist; its advent, some 150 years earlier, signalled a profound shift in sensibility. For the first time in literary consciousness, as Mikhail Bakhtin observed, “time and the world” became historical, unfolding “as an uninterrupted movement into a real future, as a unified, all-embracing and unconcluded process.”

The conceptual twin of this ‘modern’ literary sensibility is Progress. It too courses through Mann’s novel. Its champion is the Italian lawyer Lodovico Settembrini, who sees himself as a warrior for freedom, knowledge, transformative action, and ‘Europe,’ in opposition to tyranny, bondage, passivity, and inertia—in short, ‘Asia.’

In Settembrini’s view, time and history are propelled by machines. “As technology brought nature increasingly under its control,” improving communication “and triumphing over climatic conditions,” it also brought the peoples of the world together, driving a global shift from “darkness and fear” to happiness and virtue. Technological progress paves the road to a shining moral order. Through dominating nature, it secures liberation.

In Davos this week, Settembrini’s ghost feels right at home. It laps up the WEF mission statement, “Committed to Improving the State of the World,” and the ubiquitous undertakings to “shape the future of economic progress.”

The Magic Mountain is set prior to 1914, but Mann wrote it between 1912 and 1924, as liberal order crumpled and burned. Its narrative acceleration conjures a society hurtling toward doom. One hundred years on, ecological collapse is provoking a crisis in our perception of the ontological coordinates of human life, including nature and time. I’ll return to these. But first, how did we get here? And what is ‘capitalist time’?

Ringing the changes

The revolution in temporality of the last millennium is conventionally associated with the diffusion of the mechanical clock. By producing minutes and hours in fixed ticks, it enabled the reproducibility and universal standardisation of time. In severing time from the natural and supernatural realms, it helped foster a vision of an independent world of mathematically measurable sequences, the sphere of Newtonian science. Time could now be imagined as a uniform continuum: linear, divisible, and abstract.

But the transformation cannot have been the work of mechanical clocks alone. Clock time is a productive force, enabling the synchronisation of human purposes—but these are under whose command?

In medieval Europe and the Islamic civilisations, clocks were used less to measure time than by clerics to mark it — the call to prayer. (‘Clock’ derives from clocca/klocke: a bell.) But when clock-bells entered the public sphere to coordinate trade and public intercourse, and above all when they entered workplaces to quantify the working day, that changed.

If pre-capitalist systems were visibly kleptocratic – based on the extortion of labour’s product – in capitalism the goal is labour productivity. Capital is the command of labour time, with the worker appearing as a commodity: personified labour-time. Capitalist rationality is governed by the law of value, the imperative to reduce the labour time of production below the ‘socially necessary’ average required to sell commodities at or below their value—where value is an abstraction of social time.

Put more simply, capital’s aim is to increase profit by saving time. This accounts for the core dynamics of ‘modernity’: the systematic disciplining of labour and its segregation from the rest of the human experience, enabling labour time to be demarcated and measured; the endless acceleration of labour processes and of technical and social change; the centrality, and fetishism, of technology (in view of its key role in displacing labour and reducing circulation time); and the systematic derogation of the natural environment. Capitalism eats time, and in the process erases nature.

Weaponising the clock

Capitalist time can be thought of as a system of interlocking temporalities under the dominance of capital. To simplify, the pulse is capital’s, the wage relation determines the worker’s calendar, while the overarching framework is established by states — not least through the strict metronome of education institutions and other sites of disciplinary social reproduction.’ Outside those structures, ‘social reproduction time’ tends to be cyclical, and gendered.

The imposition of capitalist temporality – a unity of time projected by capital and nation states – is sometimes crisis-prone and arrhythmic, is always contested, and never total. Capitalist temporalities are differentiated, contradictory and uneven across space and time, and they face resistance. In the system’s ‘primitive’ phases, the plantations and workshops and warships and factories became battlegrounds in a war of capitalist time-consciousness.

The same war was fought globally. The early-modern West European bourgeois defined himself by his separation from nature and a taste for regimes of abstract time and space. These predilections were weaponised, deployed in explicit justification of the domination of indigenous peoples whose space he was conquering and whose labour time he was appropriating. The very idea of the ‘savage’ was constructed on the belief that to be fully human requires a rigorous separation of ritual and habit from the rhythms of nature. Indigenous peoples’ lack of alienation from their land served to justify the colonists’ alienation of their land.

Put differently, bourgeois Europeans saw themselves in the mirror of their clocks. Clocks symbolised technological prowess and material well-being — a nation’s ‘civilisation’ and ‘modernity.’ Abstract-regimented time was simultaneously the banner and goal of European militarists, merchants and missionaries in their colonisation of the world who defined their civilisation as orderly, regimented, linear, and uniform, a culture to be imposed on the irrational, irregular and timeless — hence childlike— Others. Punctuality was ordained a moral category: keeping the right time was right.

Choreographing modernity 

Religious time and capitalist time consciousness adapted to one another, most famously in seventeenth-century England, where Puritans “censored the social calendar, flattened the swinging seasonality of time and decreed instead a mechanical routine of six days’ work followed by one day’s pray.” Puritanism choreographed society along business lines, featuring employers for whom saving souls requires saving money, and prayerful-punctual employees. Here the time-money continuum came into being. Saving time is “gainful,” preached the Puritan Richard Baxter, so “spend it wholly in the way of duty.” “Time is money,” chimed Benjamin Franklin, setting the seal on time’s historic transition: once a gift from the gods, now a resource exchangeable for money.

In European visualisations of the human journey, the correlative shift was from Providence to Progress — from a sacred cosmology “bounded by the approach of the Last Judgment to a secular historical time in continuous forward motion. In early formulations of history as a stadial process of civilizational advance, the analogy was with the individual.

Just as individuals progress from infancy to maturity, said Lord Kames, “so there is a similar progress in every nation, from its savage state to its maturity in arts and sciences. Before long, the Progress idea became infused with connotations of ‘economic infinity’ — the beliefs that human industry has infinite wealth-creating potential and that the credit system is endlessly elastic. Later on, it fused with the growth paradigm — the ideology of unending economic growth.

In identifying a ladder of historical time from barbarism to civilisation, the progress idea hammered the diversity of human populations into a particular temporal-economic chain. Under its banner, abstract time and technological novelty became markers of modernity, defining the cities against the countryside and imperial powers against the colonies. Because the richer and higher-tech nations (and ‘races’) are indexed as history’s vanguard, they should boss the rest, and surgically redirect their faces to the future. When the future appears as a dream of infinite progress, the past is perpetually deficient and the present must be continually realigned with the future through political intervention. It is a manifesto that drums out capital’s rhythms – it appeared as ‘modernisation theory,’ ‘the development project,’ and so forth.

Empty time

In The Magic Mountain, the debate on progress pits the bourgeois progressive Settembrini against Naptha, a socialist-reactionary Jesuit. The latter was nostalgic for medieval hierarchy and sternly critical of liberal Progress. Yet the actual socialist movement of Thomas Mann’s day, above all the Social Democratic Party (SPD), was aligning itself unreservedly with ‘Settembrini.’

The thinker who joined the dots connecting the SPD’s “stubborn faith in progress and its “servile integration into the apparatuses of bourgeois order was Walter Benjamin. In his Arcades Project, Benjamin highlighted a paradox in the temporality of commodity society. Competition drives the production of ever greater masses of commodities for which buyers must be found, with ever new lines and new seductions, yet novelty is immediately rendered obsolete by its own onward rush.

The paradigm is the fashion industry: the realm of the short shelf-life, the quick kiss. Commodity production inhabits twin temporalities, with a linear acceleration which – in its circularity, its repetitiveness – appears as stasis.

Benjamin uses the phrase “homogenous empty time to describe the infinite, inevitable timetable of bourgeois progress to which social democracy had pledged itself in the baseless belief that capitalism’s accelerative dynamic pointed to a socialist society as its pre-determined telos.

The SPD had become prisoner of its conviction that the historical tide was on its side, pushed ever onward by “technological development.” From there it was a short step “to the illusion that factory work ostensibly furthering technological progress constituted a political achievement,” and to a “corrupted conception” of industry that recognizes only “progress in mastering nature” and not the attendant regressions, and finally to the “naïvely complacent” belief — shared by social-democrat and liberal economists — that nature donates itself “gratis” for the benefit of humanity. These beliefs, Benjamin suggests, lay at the root of the SPD’s rejection of radical strategies geared to rupturing the historical present.

Great acceleration 

Capitalist progress, in Benjamin’s oracular phrase, “must be grounded in the idea of catastrophe. That it continues like this, is the catastrophe.” He wrote this in the late 1930s, following his exile from Nazi Germany, incarceration in Vichy France, and not long before his flight and (probable) suicide.

A complacent observer, a Settembrini, might assume Benjamin had needlessly generalised from the unfortunate juncture. After all, 1940 was “midnight in the century” but the good guys then won the war, eradicated Nazism, and soldered the world economy back together. Progress resumed full-throttle, powering miraculous advances in literacy, life expectancy and prosperity.

But Benjamin’s warnings were prescient. He had earlier described how the same coruscating technologies — gas, dyes, electricity — that had lit up late nineteenth-century city skies morphed into the ‘colourful infernos’ (in Esther Leslie’s paraphraseand the ‘fire terror’ of the world wars.

A similar and even more treacherous dialectic was to follow. Fossil fuels had become the elixir of growth. As Sadi Carnot, the father of thermodynamics, long ago understood, fossil fuels confer on technologies “the invaluable advantage of being employable at any time and in any place, and of never suffering an interruption’ in their work. Digging deep through geological layers to the Carboniferous, Jurassic and Cretaceous past brings present dividends to capital in the form of cheap energy which then, pumped out as exhaust gas, cues up future infernos and fire terror.

The capitalist system, in the wake of its postwar Great Acceleration, is producing new temporal twists, not least to ecological time and geological time.

Ecological time

Ecological time refers to humans’ interaction with natural events and processes, whether over the short or longer-term. Humans have long had the capacity to rapidly wrench local environments, but ecological time has been generally understood as cyclical and continuous. One sociologist of time describes it as ‘enduring time.’

Today, ecological time is changing globally, and fast. No longer is our image of the planetary future simply an extrapolation of the present. Ecological time is, for a significant minority, infused with a sense of hair-raising change.

A spin-off is that our sense of geological time is undergoing an irreversible shift. The geological past, in the form of carbon-bearing seams, irrupts into the present, irrevocably altering the future. Anthropocene is the buzz word, with Capitalocene its more accurate substitute.

Geological time is accelerating, and this will continue, thanks not least to the time-bending features of climate change: the gargantuan future warming pent up in the form of oceanic thermal inertia, and the irreversible non-linear positive feedback mechanisms (albedo declineoceanic methane release, etc.) that are either already in train or in view — a climate time bomb that could propel the planet toward a ‘hothouse state.’

The earth’s climate of the last ten thousand years was uniquely benign and stable, if at times with sharp local and occasional minor global volatility. That age is over. Put differently: whereas all human-recorded timescapes were lived under a (relatively) serene sky, over the next thousands, or millions, of years the forecast is stormy.

Jetztzeit – ‘now time’

Facing the catastrophes of his era, and the complacency of progressives, Benjamin offered the image of the emergency brake: “Marx says that revolutions are the locomotive of world history. But perhaps it is quite otherwise. Perhaps revolutions are an attempt by the passengers on this train — namely, the human race — to activate the emergency brake.” The metaphor, Benjamin Noys argues, presents a “non-teleological politics of temporality,” grounded in a belief that future liberation cannot be entrusted to “the continuing dialectic of production/destruction” that generates a ceaseless “state of emergency.” 

In strategic terms, Benjamin insisted that movements of the “revolutionary classes,” at moments of crisis, must seek not to push history faster along its pre-existing tracks but seek “to make the continuum of history explode,” manifesting “a conception of the present as now-time [Jetztzeit] shot through with splinters of messianic time,” and that, however, this will require a seizing of memories of past defeats when they ‘flash up’ at moments of collective peril.

This is a stance not of impotent voluntarism or aestheticized defeatism but a squaring up to the ways in which the present embodies the outcome of the catastrophic defeats of past struggles, in order precisely to warn against the “conformism that tends always to overpower us. Far from being an idiosyncratic fantasy peculiar to Benjamin, it is a red thread through radical politics. (To give a notable example, it’s there in W.E.B. Du Bois’ analysis of the tragically missed opportunity to unite workers across the “colour line,” in Black Reconstruction in America.)

As the ice melts, a helpless catastrophism can set in, breeding ennui or apathy in the face of predicted doom. But the dominant forms of passivity, surely, stem either from low levels of social-movement activity itself, which a catastrophist consciousness might in small ways improve (Extinction Rebellion is the obvious example), or from complacent hopes that those who gather at Davos, and their colleagues worldwide, will proffer business-almost-as-usual remedies in the form of green growthgeoengineering, and so forth. These, in turn, tap into the long-ingrained belief in the inevitability of progress, with its tendency to foster “apocalyptic blindness: the reluctance of humans “to understand that their existence is threatened, and that this could lead to bad end.”

It’s against this background that Benjamin’s arguments, and his uncovering of the strings that attached the complacent historicism of his day to the modes and rhythms of capitalist time, appear, well, jetztzeitig.

This Author 

Gareth Dale teaches politics at Brunel University. He is a co-editor of Green Growth (Zed, 2016). His articles are available online. He tweets at @Gareth_Dale.

Image: Monica Blatton, Flickr

Davos and ‘capitalist time’

It’s Davos time again. Our overlords are arriving at the Alpine resort for the World Economic Forum (WEF). But the ski slopes all around are melting. The mountain’s snowline is receding.

As they gather, they’re unpacking environmental anxieties and comparing magic bullets. We hear Adair Turner, the former CBI Director, call for the large-scale expansion of agrofuels and hydrogen—without the slightest grasp of the destructive effects of the former or the wastefulness and colossal energy thirst of the latter.

Turner’s colleague, WEF Director Klaus Schwab, is gesturing airily at ‘public-private partnerships’ and ‘technology.’ Business as almost-usual. Future hope, he says, lies with the CEOs (and shhh, please tiptoe around the oil giants). It’s the polite liberal etiquette of climate change: rhetorical dedication, practical denial.

Schwab tries to integrate ‘time’ into his diagnosis. “Quarterly reporting cycles and shorter terms of office cut time horizons for decision-makers. The urgent scientific message on climate change finds it hard to cut through the news cycle.” This is not wrong, but is flimsy and evasive. For time is indeed of the essence. What is ‘Davos time’? How does ‘capitalist time’ intersect with ‘ecological time’ — the CEOs amidst the snowmelt?

Economies of time

We can find a few pointers in a novel set in early twentieth-century Davos: Thomas Mann’s The Magic Mountain.

Davos today is a jet-set magnet, thanks to its climate and elevation – ideal for skiing. Back then a sprinkling of Europe’s upper crust congregated at its sanatoriums, for which the climate and elevation were similarly suited.

Magic Mountain is a time-rich novel. It asks: is time a linear axis of existence or is it subjective and non-linear, a concertina? Is boredom the ‘compression of time’?

The novel interrogates temporality. By this I mean the structures through which humans perceive and organise time, through the rhythms of their interaction with the natural environment (diurnal and seasonal cycles) and through technologies, myths, music, and so forth.

Temporalities and timescapes vary across space and through history, with different ‘economies’ embodying diverse dispositions of time. Who owns the future: the gods on Mount Olympus, or is it – like credit – a resource to be exploited by the monied classes? In a capitalist society, time is sliced and priced by states and capital — a time-money continuum.

“Time and the world”

In its own temporality, The Magic Mountain is classically ‘modern.’ Through a protagonist-centred narrative continuum, the present is looped through the past and toward the future. Narrative time is synced to clock time, and a focus on the detailed interactions of everyday life facilitates a tight control of tempo. As a Bildungsromanit foregrounds processes of development and (self-)discovery. 

In short, it represents a late flourish of classical literary realism. The novel’s genre was keyed to a particular social order: bourgeois, individualistic and meliorist; its advent, some 150 years earlier, signalled a profound shift in sensibility. For the first time in literary consciousness, as Mikhail Bakhtin observed, “time and the world” became historical, unfolding “as an uninterrupted movement into a real future, as a unified, all-embracing and unconcluded process.”

The conceptual twin of this ‘modern’ literary sensibility is Progress. It too courses through Mann’s novel. Its champion is the Italian lawyer Lodovico Settembrini, who sees himself as a warrior for freedom, knowledge, transformative action, and ‘Europe,’ in opposition to tyranny, bondage, passivity, and inertia—in short, ‘Asia.’

In Settembrini’s view, time and history are propelled by machines. “As technology brought nature increasingly under its control,” improving communication “and triumphing over climatic conditions,” it also brought the peoples of the world together, driving a global shift from “darkness and fear” to happiness and virtue. Technological progress paves the road to a shining moral order. Through dominating nature, it secures liberation.

In Davos this week, Settembrini’s ghost feels right at home. It laps up the WEF mission statement, “Committed to Improving the State of the World,” and the ubiquitous undertakings to “shape the future of economic progress.”

The Magic Mountain is set prior to 1914, but Mann wrote it between 1912 and 1924, as liberal order crumpled and burned. Its narrative acceleration conjures a society hurtling toward doom. One hundred years on, ecological collapse is provoking a crisis in our perception of the ontological coordinates of human life, including nature and time. I’ll return to these. But first, how did we get here? And what is ‘capitalist time’?

Ringing the changes

The revolution in temporality of the last millennium is conventionally associated with the diffusion of the mechanical clock. By producing minutes and hours in fixed ticks, it enabled the reproducibility and universal standardisation of time. In severing time from the natural and supernatural realms, it helped foster a vision of an independent world of mathematically measurable sequences, the sphere of Newtonian science. Time could now be imagined as a uniform continuum: linear, divisible, and abstract.

But the transformation cannot have been the work of mechanical clocks alone. Clock time is a productive force, enabling the synchronisation of human purposes—but these are under whose command?

In medieval Europe and the Islamic civilisations, clocks were used less to measure time than by clerics to mark it — the call to prayer. (‘Clock’ derives from clocca/klocke: a bell.) But when clock-bells entered the public sphere to coordinate trade and public intercourse, and above all when they entered workplaces to quantify the working day, that changed.

If pre-capitalist systems were visibly kleptocratic – based on the extortion of labour’s product – in capitalism the goal is labour productivity. Capital is the command of labour time, with the worker appearing as a commodity: personified labour-time. Capitalist rationality is governed by the law of value, the imperative to reduce the labour time of production below the ‘socially necessary’ average required to sell commodities at or below their value—where value is an abstraction of social time.

Put more simply, capital’s aim is to increase profit by saving time. This accounts for the core dynamics of ‘modernity’: the systematic disciplining of labour and its segregation from the rest of the human experience, enabling labour time to be demarcated and measured; the endless acceleration of labour processes and of technical and social change; the centrality, and fetishism, of technology (in view of its key role in displacing labour and reducing circulation time); and the systematic derogation of the natural environment. Capitalism eats time, and in the process erases nature.

Weaponising the clock

Capitalist time can be thought of as a system of interlocking temporalities under the dominance of capital. To simplify, the pulse is capital’s, the wage relation determines the worker’s calendar, while the overarching framework is established by states — not least through the strict metronome of education institutions and other sites of disciplinary social reproduction.’ Outside those structures, ‘social reproduction time’ tends to be cyclical, and gendered.

The imposition of capitalist temporality – a unity of time projected by capital and nation states – is sometimes crisis-prone and arrhythmic, is always contested, and never total. Capitalist temporalities are differentiated, contradictory and uneven across space and time, and they face resistance. In the system’s ‘primitive’ phases, the plantations and workshops and warships and factories became battlegrounds in a war of capitalist time-consciousness.

The same war was fought globally. The early-modern West European bourgeois defined himself by his separation from nature and a taste for regimes of abstract time and space. These predilections were weaponised, deployed in explicit justification of the domination of indigenous peoples whose space he was conquering and whose labour time he was appropriating. The very idea of the ‘savage’ was constructed on the belief that to be fully human requires a rigorous separation of ritual and habit from the rhythms of nature. Indigenous peoples’ lack of alienation from their land served to justify the colonists’ alienation of their land.

Put differently, bourgeois Europeans saw themselves in the mirror of their clocks. Clocks symbolised technological prowess and material well-being — a nation’s ‘civilisation’ and ‘modernity.’ Abstract-regimented time was simultaneously the banner and goal of European militarists, merchants and missionaries in their colonisation of the world who defined their civilisation as orderly, regimented, linear, and uniform, a culture to be imposed on the irrational, irregular and timeless — hence childlike— Others. Punctuality was ordained a moral category: keeping the right time was right.

Choreographing modernity 

Religious time and capitalist time consciousness adapted to one another, most famously in seventeenth-century England, where Puritans “censored the social calendar, flattened the swinging seasonality of time and decreed instead a mechanical routine of six days’ work followed by one day’s pray.” Puritanism choreographed society along business lines, featuring employers for whom saving souls requires saving money, and prayerful-punctual employees. Here the time-money continuum came into being. Saving time is “gainful,” preached the Puritan Richard Baxter, so “spend it wholly in the way of duty.” “Time is money,” chimed Benjamin Franklin, setting the seal on time’s historic transition: once a gift from the gods, now a resource exchangeable for money.

In European visualisations of the human journey, the correlative shift was from Providence to Progress — from a sacred cosmology “bounded by the approach of the Last Judgment to a secular historical time in continuous forward motion. In early formulations of history as a stadial process of civilizational advance, the analogy was with the individual.

Just as individuals progress from infancy to maturity, said Lord Kames, “so there is a similar progress in every nation, from its savage state to its maturity in arts and sciences. Before long, the Progress idea became infused with connotations of ‘economic infinity’ — the beliefs that human industry has infinite wealth-creating potential and that the credit system is endlessly elastic. Later on, it fused with the growth paradigm — the ideology of unending economic growth.

In identifying a ladder of historical time from barbarism to civilisation, the progress idea hammered the diversity of human populations into a particular temporal-economic chain. Under its banner, abstract time and technological novelty became markers of modernity, defining the cities against the countryside and imperial powers against the colonies. Because the richer and higher-tech nations (and ‘races’) are indexed as history’s vanguard, they should boss the rest, and surgically redirect their faces to the future. When the future appears as a dream of infinite progress, the past is perpetually deficient and the present must be continually realigned with the future through political intervention. It is a manifesto that drums out capital’s rhythms – it appeared as ‘modernisation theory,’ ‘the development project,’ and so forth.

Empty time

In The Magic Mountain, the debate on progress pits the bourgeois progressive Settembrini against Naptha, a socialist-reactionary Jesuit. The latter was nostalgic for medieval hierarchy and sternly critical of liberal Progress. Yet the actual socialist movement of Thomas Mann’s day, above all the Social Democratic Party (SPD), was aligning itself unreservedly with ‘Settembrini.’

The thinker who joined the dots connecting the SPD’s “stubborn faith in progress and its “servile integration into the apparatuses of bourgeois order was Walter Benjamin. In his Arcades Project, Benjamin highlighted a paradox in the temporality of commodity society. Competition drives the production of ever greater masses of commodities for which buyers must be found, with ever new lines and new seductions, yet novelty is immediately rendered obsolete by its own onward rush.

The paradigm is the fashion industry: the realm of the short shelf-life, the quick kiss. Commodity production inhabits twin temporalities, with a linear acceleration which – in its circularity, its repetitiveness – appears as stasis.

Benjamin uses the phrase “homogenous empty time to describe the infinite, inevitable timetable of bourgeois progress to which social democracy had pledged itself in the baseless belief that capitalism’s accelerative dynamic pointed to a socialist society as its pre-determined telos.

The SPD had become prisoner of its conviction that the historical tide was on its side, pushed ever onward by “technological development.” From there it was a short step “to the illusion that factory work ostensibly furthering technological progress constituted a political achievement,” and to a “corrupted conception” of industry that recognizes only “progress in mastering nature” and not the attendant regressions, and finally to the “naïvely complacent” belief — shared by social-democrat and liberal economists — that nature donates itself “gratis” for the benefit of humanity. These beliefs, Benjamin suggests, lay at the root of the SPD’s rejection of radical strategies geared to rupturing the historical present.

Great acceleration 

Capitalist progress, in Benjamin’s oracular phrase, “must be grounded in the idea of catastrophe. That it continues like this, is the catastrophe.” He wrote this in the late 1930s, following his exile from Nazi Germany, incarceration in Vichy France, and not long before his flight and (probable) suicide.

A complacent observer, a Settembrini, might assume Benjamin had needlessly generalised from the unfortunate juncture. After all, 1940 was “midnight in the century” but the good guys then won the war, eradicated Nazism, and soldered the world economy back together. Progress resumed full-throttle, powering miraculous advances in literacy, life expectancy and prosperity.

But Benjamin’s warnings were prescient. He had earlier described how the same coruscating technologies — gas, dyes, electricity — that had lit up late nineteenth-century city skies morphed into the ‘colourful infernos’ (in Esther Leslie’s paraphraseand the ‘fire terror’ of the world wars.

A similar and even more treacherous dialectic was to follow. Fossil fuels had become the elixir of growth. As Sadi Carnot, the father of thermodynamics, long ago understood, fossil fuels confer on technologies “the invaluable advantage of being employable at any time and in any place, and of never suffering an interruption’ in their work. Digging deep through geological layers to the Carboniferous, Jurassic and Cretaceous past brings present dividends to capital in the form of cheap energy which then, pumped out as exhaust gas, cues up future infernos and fire terror.

The capitalist system, in the wake of its postwar Great Acceleration, is producing new temporal twists, not least to ecological time and geological time.

Ecological time

Ecological time refers to humans’ interaction with natural events and processes, whether over the short or longer-term. Humans have long had the capacity to rapidly wrench local environments, but ecological time has been generally understood as cyclical and continuous. One sociologist of time describes it as ‘enduring time.’

Today, ecological time is changing globally, and fast. No longer is our image of the planetary future simply an extrapolation of the present. Ecological time is, for a significant minority, infused with a sense of hair-raising change.

A spin-off is that our sense of geological time is undergoing an irreversible shift. The geological past, in the form of carbon-bearing seams, irrupts into the present, irrevocably altering the future. Anthropocene is the buzz word, with Capitalocene its more accurate substitute.

Geological time is accelerating, and this will continue, thanks not least to the time-bending features of climate change: the gargantuan future warming pent up in the form of oceanic thermal inertia, and the irreversible non-linear positive feedback mechanisms (albedo declineoceanic methane release, etc.) that are either already in train or in view — a climate time bomb that could propel the planet toward a ‘hothouse state.’

The earth’s climate of the last ten thousand years was uniquely benign and stable, if at times with sharp local and occasional minor global volatility. That age is over. Put differently: whereas all human-recorded timescapes were lived under a (relatively) serene sky, over the next thousands, or millions, of years the forecast is stormy.

Jetztzeit – ‘now time’

Facing the catastrophes of his era, and the complacency of progressives, Benjamin offered the image of the emergency brake: “Marx says that revolutions are the locomotive of world history. But perhaps it is quite otherwise. Perhaps revolutions are an attempt by the passengers on this train — namely, the human race — to activate the emergency brake.” The metaphor, Benjamin Noys argues, presents a “non-teleological politics of temporality,” grounded in a belief that future liberation cannot be entrusted to “the continuing dialectic of production/destruction” that generates a ceaseless “state of emergency.” 

In strategic terms, Benjamin insisted that movements of the “revolutionary classes,” at moments of crisis, must seek not to push history faster along its pre-existing tracks but seek “to make the continuum of history explode,” manifesting “a conception of the present as now-time [Jetztzeit] shot through with splinters of messianic time,” and that, however, this will require a seizing of memories of past defeats when they ‘flash up’ at moments of collective peril.

This is a stance not of impotent voluntarism or aestheticized defeatism but a squaring up to the ways in which the present embodies the outcome of the catastrophic defeats of past struggles, in order precisely to warn against the “conformism that tends always to overpower us. Far from being an idiosyncratic fantasy peculiar to Benjamin, it is a red thread through radical politics. (To give a notable example, it’s there in W.E.B. Du Bois’ analysis of the tragically missed opportunity to unite workers across the “colour line,” in Black Reconstruction in America.)

As the ice melts, a helpless catastrophism can set in, breeding ennui or apathy in the face of predicted doom. But the dominant forms of passivity, surely, stem either from low levels of social-movement activity itself, which a catastrophist consciousness might in small ways improve (Extinction Rebellion is the obvious example), or from complacent hopes that those who gather at Davos, and their colleagues worldwide, will proffer business-almost-as-usual remedies in the form of green growthgeoengineering, and so forth. These, in turn, tap into the long-ingrained belief in the inevitability of progress, with its tendency to foster “apocalyptic blindness: the reluctance of humans “to understand that their existence is threatened, and that this could lead to bad end.”

It’s against this background that Benjamin’s arguments, and his uncovering of the strings that attached the complacent historicism of his day to the modes and rhythms of capitalist time, appear, well, jetztzeitig.

This Author 

Gareth Dale teaches politics at Brunel University. He is a co-editor of Green Growth (Zed, 2016). His articles are available online. He tweets at @Gareth_Dale.

Image: Monica Blatton, Flickr

Davos and ‘capitalist time’

It’s Davos time again. Our overlords are arriving at the Alpine resort for the World Economic Forum (WEF). But the ski slopes all around are melting. The mountain’s snowline is receding.

As they gather, they’re unpacking environmental anxieties and comparing magic bullets. We hear Adair Turner, the former CBI Director, call for the large-scale expansion of agrofuels and hydrogen—without the slightest grasp of the destructive effects of the former or the wastefulness and colossal energy thirst of the latter.

Turner’s colleague, WEF Director Klaus Schwab, is gesturing airily at ‘public-private partnerships’ and ‘technology.’ Business as almost-usual. Future hope, he says, lies with the CEOs (and shhh, please tiptoe around the oil giants). It’s the polite liberal etiquette of climate change: rhetorical dedication, practical denial.

Schwab tries to integrate ‘time’ into his diagnosis. “Quarterly reporting cycles and shorter terms of office cut time horizons for decision-makers. The urgent scientific message on climate change finds it hard to cut through the news cycle.” This is not wrong, but is flimsy and evasive. For time is indeed of the essence. What is ‘Davos time’? How does ‘capitalist time’ intersect with ‘ecological time’ — the CEOs amidst the snowmelt?

Economies of time

We can find a few pointers in a novel set in early twentieth-century Davos: Thomas Mann’s The Magic Mountain.

Davos today is a jet-set magnet, thanks to its climate and elevation – ideal for skiing. Back then a sprinkling of Europe’s upper crust congregated at its sanatoriums, for which the climate and elevation were similarly suited.

Magic Mountain is a time-rich novel. It asks: is time a linear axis of existence or is it subjective and non-linear, a concertina? Is boredom the ‘compression of time’?

The novel interrogates temporality. By this I mean the structures through which humans perceive and organise time, through the rhythms of their interaction with the natural environment (diurnal and seasonal cycles) and through technologies, myths, music, and so forth.

Temporalities and timescapes vary across space and through history, with different ‘economies’ embodying diverse dispositions of time. Who owns the future: the gods on Mount Olympus, or is it – like credit – a resource to be exploited by the monied classes? In a capitalist society, time is sliced and priced by states and capital — a time-money continuum.

“Time and the world”

In its own temporality, The Magic Mountain is classically ‘modern.’ Through a protagonist-centred narrative continuum, the present is looped through the past and toward the future. Narrative time is synced to clock time, and a focus on the detailed interactions of everyday life facilitates a tight control of tempo. As a Bildungsromanit foregrounds processes of development and (self-)discovery. 

In short, it represents a late flourish of classical literary realism. The novel’s genre was keyed to a particular social order: bourgeois, individualistic and meliorist; its advent, some 150 years earlier, signalled a profound shift in sensibility. For the first time in literary consciousness, as Mikhail Bakhtin observed, “time and the world” became historical, unfolding “as an uninterrupted movement into a real future, as a unified, all-embracing and unconcluded process.”

The conceptual twin of this ‘modern’ literary sensibility is Progress. It too courses through Mann’s novel. Its champion is the Italian lawyer Lodovico Settembrini, who sees himself as a warrior for freedom, knowledge, transformative action, and ‘Europe,’ in opposition to tyranny, bondage, passivity, and inertia—in short, ‘Asia.’

In Settembrini’s view, time and history are propelled by machines. “As technology brought nature increasingly under its control,” improving communication “and triumphing over climatic conditions,” it also brought the peoples of the world together, driving a global shift from “darkness and fear” to happiness and virtue. Technological progress paves the road to a shining moral order. Through dominating nature, it secures liberation.

In Davos this week, Settembrini’s ghost feels right at home. It laps up the WEF mission statement, “Committed to Improving the State of the World,” and the ubiquitous undertakings to “shape the future of economic progress.”

The Magic Mountain is set prior to 1914, but Mann wrote it between 1912 and 1924, as liberal order crumpled and burned. Its narrative acceleration conjures a society hurtling toward doom. One hundred years on, ecological collapse is provoking a crisis in our perception of the ontological coordinates of human life, including nature and time. I’ll return to these. But first, how did we get here? And what is ‘capitalist time’?

Ringing the changes

The revolution in temporality of the last millennium is conventionally associated with the diffusion of the mechanical clock. By producing minutes and hours in fixed ticks, it enabled the reproducibility and universal standardisation of time. In severing time from the natural and supernatural realms, it helped foster a vision of an independent world of mathematically measurable sequences, the sphere of Newtonian science. Time could now be imagined as a uniform continuum: linear, divisible, and abstract.

But the transformation cannot have been the work of mechanical clocks alone. Clock time is a productive force, enabling the synchronisation of human purposes—but these are under whose command?

In medieval Europe and the Islamic civilisations, clocks were used less to measure time than by clerics to mark it — the call to prayer. (‘Clock’ derives from clocca/klocke: a bell.) But when clock-bells entered the public sphere to coordinate trade and public intercourse, and above all when they entered workplaces to quantify the working day, that changed.

If pre-capitalist systems were visibly kleptocratic – based on the extortion of labour’s product – in capitalism the goal is labour productivity. Capital is the command of labour time, with the worker appearing as a commodity: personified labour-time. Capitalist rationality is governed by the law of value, the imperative to reduce the labour time of production below the ‘socially necessary’ average required to sell commodities at or below their value—where value is an abstraction of social time.

Put more simply, capital’s aim is to increase profit by saving time. This accounts for the core dynamics of ‘modernity’: the systematic disciplining of labour and its segregation from the rest of the human experience, enabling labour time to be demarcated and measured; the endless acceleration of labour processes and of technical and social change; the centrality, and fetishism, of technology (in view of its key role in displacing labour and reducing circulation time); and the systematic derogation of the natural environment. Capitalism eats time, and in the process erases nature.

Weaponising the clock

Capitalist time can be thought of as a system of interlocking temporalities under the dominance of capital. To simplify, the pulse is capital’s, the wage relation determines the worker’s calendar, while the overarching framework is established by states — not least through the strict metronome of education institutions and other sites of disciplinary social reproduction.’ Outside those structures, ‘social reproduction time’ tends to be cyclical, and gendered.

The imposition of capitalist temporality – a unity of time projected by capital and nation states – is sometimes crisis-prone and arrhythmic, is always contested, and never total. Capitalist temporalities are differentiated, contradictory and uneven across space and time, and they face resistance. In the system’s ‘primitive’ phases, the plantations and workshops and warships and factories became battlegrounds in a war of capitalist time-consciousness.

The same war was fought globally. The early-modern West European bourgeois defined himself by his separation from nature and a taste for regimes of abstract time and space. These predilections were weaponised, deployed in explicit justification of the domination of indigenous peoples whose space he was conquering and whose labour time he was appropriating. The very idea of the ‘savage’ was constructed on the belief that to be fully human requires a rigorous separation of ritual and habit from the rhythms of nature. Indigenous peoples’ lack of alienation from their land served to justify the colonists’ alienation of their land.

Put differently, bourgeois Europeans saw themselves in the mirror of their clocks. Clocks symbolised technological prowess and material well-being — a nation’s ‘civilisation’ and ‘modernity.’ Abstract-regimented time was simultaneously the banner and goal of European militarists, merchants and missionaries in their colonisation of the world who defined their civilisation as orderly, regimented, linear, and uniform, a culture to be imposed on the irrational, irregular and timeless — hence childlike— Others. Punctuality was ordained a moral category: keeping the right time was right.

Choreographing modernity 

Religious time and capitalist time consciousness adapted to one another, most famously in seventeenth-century England, where Puritans “censored the social calendar, flattened the swinging seasonality of time and decreed instead a mechanical routine of six days’ work followed by one day’s pray.” Puritanism choreographed society along business lines, featuring employers for whom saving souls requires saving money, and prayerful-punctual employees. Here the time-money continuum came into being. Saving time is “gainful,” preached the Puritan Richard Baxter, so “spend it wholly in the way of duty.” “Time is money,” chimed Benjamin Franklin, setting the seal on time’s historic transition: once a gift from the gods, now a resource exchangeable for money.

In European visualisations of the human journey, the correlative shift was from Providence to Progress — from a sacred cosmology “bounded by the approach of the Last Judgment to a secular historical time in continuous forward motion. In early formulations of history as a stadial process of civilizational advance, the analogy was with the individual.

Just as individuals progress from infancy to maturity, said Lord Kames, “so there is a similar progress in every nation, from its savage state to its maturity in arts and sciences. Before long, the Progress idea became infused with connotations of ‘economic infinity’ — the beliefs that human industry has infinite wealth-creating potential and that the credit system is endlessly elastic. Later on, it fused with the growth paradigm — the ideology of unending economic growth.

In identifying a ladder of historical time from barbarism to civilisation, the progress idea hammered the diversity of human populations into a particular temporal-economic chain. Under its banner, abstract time and technological novelty became markers of modernity, defining the cities against the countryside and imperial powers against the colonies. Because the richer and higher-tech nations (and ‘races’) are indexed as history’s vanguard, they should boss the rest, and surgically redirect their faces to the future. When the future appears as a dream of infinite progress, the past is perpetually deficient and the present must be continually realigned with the future through political intervention. It is a manifesto that drums out capital’s rhythms – it appeared as ‘modernisation theory,’ ‘the development project,’ and so forth.

Empty time

In The Magic Mountain, the debate on progress pits the bourgeois progressive Settembrini against Naptha, a socialist-reactionary Jesuit. The latter was nostalgic for medieval hierarchy and sternly critical of liberal Progress. Yet the actual socialist movement of Thomas Mann’s day, above all the Social Democratic Party (SPD), was aligning itself unreservedly with ‘Settembrini.’

The thinker who joined the dots connecting the SPD’s “stubborn faith in progress and its “servile integration into the apparatuses of bourgeois order was Walter Benjamin. In his Arcades Project, Benjamin highlighted a paradox in the temporality of commodity society. Competition drives the production of ever greater masses of commodities for which buyers must be found, with ever new lines and new seductions, yet novelty is immediately rendered obsolete by its own onward rush.

The paradigm is the fashion industry: the realm of the short shelf-life, the quick kiss. Commodity production inhabits twin temporalities, with a linear acceleration which – in its circularity, its repetitiveness – appears as stasis.

Benjamin uses the phrase “homogenous empty time to describe the infinite, inevitable timetable of bourgeois progress to which social democracy had pledged itself in the baseless belief that capitalism’s accelerative dynamic pointed to a socialist society as its pre-determined telos.

The SPD had become prisoner of its conviction that the historical tide was on its side, pushed ever onward by “technological development.” From there it was a short step “to the illusion that factory work ostensibly furthering technological progress constituted a political achievement,” and to a “corrupted conception” of industry that recognizes only “progress in mastering nature” and not the attendant regressions, and finally to the “naïvely complacent” belief — shared by social-democrat and liberal economists — that nature donates itself “gratis” for the benefit of humanity. These beliefs, Benjamin suggests, lay at the root of the SPD’s rejection of radical strategies geared to rupturing the historical present.

Great acceleration 

Capitalist progress, in Benjamin’s oracular phrase, “must be grounded in the idea of catastrophe. That it continues like this, is the catastrophe.” He wrote this in the late 1930s, following his exile from Nazi Germany, incarceration in Vichy France, and not long before his flight and (probable) suicide.

A complacent observer, a Settembrini, might assume Benjamin had needlessly generalised from the unfortunate juncture. After all, 1940 was “midnight in the century” but the good guys then won the war, eradicated Nazism, and soldered the world economy back together. Progress resumed full-throttle, powering miraculous advances in literacy, life expectancy and prosperity.

But Benjamin’s warnings were prescient. He had earlier described how the same coruscating technologies — gas, dyes, electricity — that had lit up late nineteenth-century city skies morphed into the ‘colourful infernos’ (in Esther Leslie’s paraphraseand the ‘fire terror’ of the world wars.

A similar and even more treacherous dialectic was to follow. Fossil fuels had become the elixir of growth. As Sadi Carnot, the father of thermodynamics, long ago understood, fossil fuels confer on technologies “the invaluable advantage of being employable at any time and in any place, and of never suffering an interruption’ in their work. Digging deep through geological layers to the Carboniferous, Jurassic and Cretaceous past brings present dividends to capital in the form of cheap energy which then, pumped out as exhaust gas, cues up future infernos and fire terror.

The capitalist system, in the wake of its postwar Great Acceleration, is producing new temporal twists, not least to ecological time and geological time.

Ecological time

Ecological time refers to humans’ interaction with natural events and processes, whether over the short or longer-term. Humans have long had the capacity to rapidly wrench local environments, but ecological time has been generally understood as cyclical and continuous. One sociologist of time describes it as ‘enduring time.’

Today, ecological time is changing globally, and fast. No longer is our image of the planetary future simply an extrapolation of the present. Ecological time is, for a significant minority, infused with a sense of hair-raising change.

A spin-off is that our sense of geological time is undergoing an irreversible shift. The geological past, in the form of carbon-bearing seams, irrupts into the present, irrevocably altering the future. Anthropocene is the buzz word, with Capitalocene its more accurate substitute.

Geological time is accelerating, and this will continue, thanks not least to the time-bending features of climate change: the gargantuan future warming pent up in the form of oceanic thermal inertia, and the irreversible non-linear positive feedback mechanisms (albedo declineoceanic methane release, etc.) that are either already in train or in view — a climate time bomb that could propel the planet toward a ‘hothouse state.’

The earth’s climate of the last ten thousand years was uniquely benign and stable, if at times with sharp local and occasional minor global volatility. That age is over. Put differently: whereas all human-recorded timescapes were lived under a (relatively) serene sky, over the next thousands, or millions, of years the forecast is stormy.

Jetztzeit – ‘now time’

Facing the catastrophes of his era, and the complacency of progressives, Benjamin offered the image of the emergency brake: “Marx says that revolutions are the locomotive of world history. But perhaps it is quite otherwise. Perhaps revolutions are an attempt by the passengers on this train — namely, the human race — to activate the emergency brake.” The metaphor, Benjamin Noys argues, presents a “non-teleological politics of temporality,” grounded in a belief that future liberation cannot be entrusted to “the continuing dialectic of production/destruction” that generates a ceaseless “state of emergency.” 

In strategic terms, Benjamin insisted that movements of the “revolutionary classes,” at moments of crisis, must seek not to push history faster along its pre-existing tracks but seek “to make the continuum of history explode,” manifesting “a conception of the present as now-time [Jetztzeit] shot through with splinters of messianic time,” and that, however, this will require a seizing of memories of past defeats when they ‘flash up’ at moments of collective peril.

This is a stance not of impotent voluntarism or aestheticized defeatism but a squaring up to the ways in which the present embodies the outcome of the catastrophic defeats of past struggles, in order precisely to warn against the “conformism that tends always to overpower us. Far from being an idiosyncratic fantasy peculiar to Benjamin, it is a red thread through radical politics. (To give a notable example, it’s there in W.E.B. Du Bois’ analysis of the tragically missed opportunity to unite workers across the “colour line,” in Black Reconstruction in America.)

As the ice melts, a helpless catastrophism can set in, breeding ennui or apathy in the face of predicted doom. But the dominant forms of passivity, surely, stem either from low levels of social-movement activity itself, which a catastrophist consciousness might in small ways improve (Extinction Rebellion is the obvious example), or from complacent hopes that those who gather at Davos, and their colleagues worldwide, will proffer business-almost-as-usual remedies in the form of green growthgeoengineering, and so forth. These, in turn, tap into the long-ingrained belief in the inevitability of progress, with its tendency to foster “apocalyptic blindness: the reluctance of humans “to understand that their existence is threatened, and that this could lead to bad end.”

It’s against this background that Benjamin’s arguments, and his uncovering of the strings that attached the complacent historicism of his day to the modes and rhythms of capitalist time, appear, well, jetztzeitig.

This Author 

Gareth Dale teaches politics at Brunel University. He is a co-editor of Green Growth (Zed, 2016). His articles are available online. He tweets at @Gareth_Dale.

Image: Monica Blatton, Flickr

Davos and ‘capitalist time’

It’s Davos time again. Our overlords are arriving at the Alpine resort for the World Economic Forum (WEF). But the ski slopes all around are melting. The mountain’s snowline is receding.

As they gather, they’re unpacking environmental anxieties and comparing magic bullets. We hear Adair Turner, the former CBI Director, call for the large-scale expansion of agrofuels and hydrogen—without the slightest grasp of the destructive effects of the former or the wastefulness and colossal energy thirst of the latter.

Turner’s colleague, WEF Director Klaus Schwab, is gesturing airily at ‘public-private partnerships’ and ‘technology.’ Business as almost-usual. Future hope, he says, lies with the CEOs (and shhh, please tiptoe around the oil giants). It’s the polite liberal etiquette of climate change: rhetorical dedication, practical denial.

Schwab tries to integrate ‘time’ into his diagnosis. “Quarterly reporting cycles and shorter terms of office cut time horizons for decision-makers. The urgent scientific message on climate change finds it hard to cut through the news cycle.” This is not wrong, but is flimsy and evasive. For time is indeed of the essence. What is ‘Davos time’? How does ‘capitalist time’ intersect with ‘ecological time’ — the CEOs amidst the snowmelt?

Economies of time

We can find a few pointers in a novel set in early twentieth-century Davos: Thomas Mann’s The Magic Mountain.

Davos today is a jet-set magnet, thanks to its climate and elevation – ideal for skiing. Back then a sprinkling of Europe’s upper crust congregated at its sanatoriums, for which the climate and elevation were similarly suited.

Magic Mountain is a time-rich novel. It asks: is time a linear axis of existence or is it subjective and non-linear, a concertina? Is boredom the ‘compression of time’?

The novel interrogates temporality. By this I mean the structures through which humans perceive and organise time, through the rhythms of their interaction with the natural environment (diurnal and seasonal cycles) and through technologies, myths, music, and so forth.

Temporalities and timescapes vary across space and through history, with different ‘economies’ embodying diverse dispositions of time. Who owns the future: the gods on Mount Olympus, or is it – like credit – a resource to be exploited by the monied classes? In a capitalist society, time is sliced and priced by states and capital — a time-money continuum.

“Time and the world”

In its own temporality, The Magic Mountain is classically ‘modern.’ Through a protagonist-centred narrative continuum, the present is looped through the past and toward the future. Narrative time is synced to clock time, and a focus on the detailed interactions of everyday life facilitates a tight control of tempo. As a Bildungsromanit foregrounds processes of development and (self-)discovery. 

In short, it represents a late flourish of classical literary realism. The novel’s genre was keyed to a particular social order: bourgeois, individualistic and meliorist; its advent, some 150 years earlier, signalled a profound shift in sensibility. For the first time in literary consciousness, as Mikhail Bakhtin observed, “time and the world” became historical, unfolding “as an uninterrupted movement into a real future, as a unified, all-embracing and unconcluded process.”

The conceptual twin of this ‘modern’ literary sensibility is Progress. It too courses through Mann’s novel. Its champion is the Italian lawyer Lodovico Settembrini, who sees himself as a warrior for freedom, knowledge, transformative action, and ‘Europe,’ in opposition to tyranny, bondage, passivity, and inertia—in short, ‘Asia.’

In Settembrini’s view, time and history are propelled by machines. “As technology brought nature increasingly under its control,” improving communication “and triumphing over climatic conditions,” it also brought the peoples of the world together, driving a global shift from “darkness and fear” to happiness and virtue. Technological progress paves the road to a shining moral order. Through dominating nature, it secures liberation.

In Davos this week, Settembrini’s ghost feels right at home. It laps up the WEF mission statement, “Committed to Improving the State of the World,” and the ubiquitous undertakings to “shape the future of economic progress.”

The Magic Mountain is set prior to 1914, but Mann wrote it between 1912 and 1924, as liberal order crumpled and burned. Its narrative acceleration conjures a society hurtling toward doom. One hundred years on, ecological collapse is provoking a crisis in our perception of the ontological coordinates of human life, including nature and time. I’ll return to these. But first, how did we get here? And what is ‘capitalist time’?

Ringing the changes

The revolution in temporality of the last millennium is conventionally associated with the diffusion of the mechanical clock. By producing minutes and hours in fixed ticks, it enabled the reproducibility and universal standardisation of time. In severing time from the natural and supernatural realms, it helped foster a vision of an independent world of mathematically measurable sequences, the sphere of Newtonian science. Time could now be imagined as a uniform continuum: linear, divisible, and abstract.

But the transformation cannot have been the work of mechanical clocks alone. Clock time is a productive force, enabling the synchronisation of human purposes—but these are under whose command?

In medieval Europe and the Islamic civilisations, clocks were used less to measure time than by clerics to mark it — the call to prayer. (‘Clock’ derives from clocca/klocke: a bell.) But when clock-bells entered the public sphere to coordinate trade and public intercourse, and above all when they entered workplaces to quantify the working day, that changed.

If pre-capitalist systems were visibly kleptocratic – based on the extortion of labour’s product – in capitalism the goal is labour productivity. Capital is the command of labour time, with the worker appearing as a commodity: personified labour-time. Capitalist rationality is governed by the law of value, the imperative to reduce the labour time of production below the ‘socially necessary’ average required to sell commodities at or below their value—where value is an abstraction of social time.

Put more simply, capital’s aim is to increase profit by saving time. This accounts for the core dynamics of ‘modernity’: the systematic disciplining of labour and its segregation from the rest of the human experience, enabling labour time to be demarcated and measured; the endless acceleration of labour processes and of technical and social change; the centrality, and fetishism, of technology (in view of its key role in displacing labour and reducing circulation time); and the systematic derogation of the natural environment. Capitalism eats time, and in the process erases nature.

Weaponising the clock

Capitalist time can be thought of as a system of interlocking temporalities under the dominance of capital. To simplify, the pulse is capital’s, the wage relation determines the worker’s calendar, while the overarching framework is established by states — not least through the strict metronome of education institutions and other sites of disciplinary social reproduction.’ Outside those structures, ‘social reproduction time’ tends to be cyclical, and gendered.

The imposition of capitalist temporality – a unity of time projected by capital and nation states – is sometimes crisis-prone and arrhythmic, is always contested, and never total. Capitalist temporalities are differentiated, contradictory and uneven across space and time, and they face resistance. In the system’s ‘primitive’ phases, the plantations and workshops and warships and factories became battlegrounds in a war of capitalist time-consciousness.

The same war was fought globally. The early-modern West European bourgeois defined himself by his separation from nature and a taste for regimes of abstract time and space. These predilections were weaponised, deployed in explicit justification of the domination of indigenous peoples whose space he was conquering and whose labour time he was appropriating. The very idea of the ‘savage’ was constructed on the belief that to be fully human requires a rigorous separation of ritual and habit from the rhythms of nature. Indigenous peoples’ lack of alienation from their land served to justify the colonists’ alienation of their land.

Put differently, bourgeois Europeans saw themselves in the mirror of their clocks. Clocks symbolised technological prowess and material well-being — a nation’s ‘civilisation’ and ‘modernity.’ Abstract-regimented time was simultaneously the banner and goal of European militarists, merchants and missionaries in their colonisation of the world who defined their civilisation as orderly, regimented, linear, and uniform, a culture to be imposed on the irrational, irregular and timeless — hence childlike— Others. Punctuality was ordained a moral category: keeping the right time was right.

Choreographing modernity 

Religious time and capitalist time consciousness adapted to one another, most famously in seventeenth-century England, where Puritans “censored the social calendar, flattened the swinging seasonality of time and decreed instead a mechanical routine of six days’ work followed by one day’s pray.” Puritanism choreographed society along business lines, featuring employers for whom saving souls requires saving money, and prayerful-punctual employees. Here the time-money continuum came into being. Saving time is “gainful,” preached the Puritan Richard Baxter, so “spend it wholly in the way of duty.” “Time is money,” chimed Benjamin Franklin, setting the seal on time’s historic transition: once a gift from the gods, now a resource exchangeable for money.

In European visualisations of the human journey, the correlative shift was from Providence to Progress — from a sacred cosmology “bounded by the approach of the Last Judgment to a secular historical time in continuous forward motion. In early formulations of history as a stadial process of civilizational advance, the analogy was with the individual.

Just as individuals progress from infancy to maturity, said Lord Kames, “so there is a similar progress in every nation, from its savage state to its maturity in arts and sciences. Before long, the Progress idea became infused with connotations of ‘economic infinity’ — the beliefs that human industry has infinite wealth-creating potential and that the credit system is endlessly elastic. Later on, it fused with the growth paradigm — the ideology of unending economic growth.

In identifying a ladder of historical time from barbarism to civilisation, the progress idea hammered the diversity of human populations into a particular temporal-economic chain. Under its banner, abstract time and technological novelty became markers of modernity, defining the cities against the countryside and imperial powers against the colonies. Because the richer and higher-tech nations (and ‘races’) are indexed as history’s vanguard, they should boss the rest, and surgically redirect their faces to the future. When the future appears as a dream of infinite progress, the past is perpetually deficient and the present must be continually realigned with the future through political intervention. It is a manifesto that drums out capital’s rhythms – it appeared as ‘modernisation theory,’ ‘the development project,’ and so forth.

Empty time

In The Magic Mountain, the debate on progress pits the bourgeois progressive Settembrini against Naptha, a socialist-reactionary Jesuit. The latter was nostalgic for medieval hierarchy and sternly critical of liberal Progress. Yet the actual socialist movement of Thomas Mann’s day, above all the Social Democratic Party (SPD), was aligning itself unreservedly with ‘Settembrini.’

The thinker who joined the dots connecting the SPD’s “stubborn faith in progress and its “servile integration into the apparatuses of bourgeois order was Walter Benjamin. In his Arcades Project, Benjamin highlighted a paradox in the temporality of commodity society. Competition drives the production of ever greater masses of commodities for which buyers must be found, with ever new lines and new seductions, yet novelty is immediately rendered obsolete by its own onward rush.

The paradigm is the fashion industry: the realm of the short shelf-life, the quick kiss. Commodity production inhabits twin temporalities, with a linear acceleration which – in its circularity, its repetitiveness – appears as stasis.

Benjamin uses the phrase “homogenous empty time to describe the infinite, inevitable timetable of bourgeois progress to which social democracy had pledged itself in the baseless belief that capitalism’s accelerative dynamic pointed to a socialist society as its pre-determined telos.

The SPD had become prisoner of its conviction that the historical tide was on its side, pushed ever onward by “technological development.” From there it was a short step “to the illusion that factory work ostensibly furthering technological progress constituted a political achievement,” and to a “corrupted conception” of industry that recognizes only “progress in mastering nature” and not the attendant regressions, and finally to the “naïvely complacent” belief — shared by social-democrat and liberal economists — that nature donates itself “gratis” for the benefit of humanity. These beliefs, Benjamin suggests, lay at the root of the SPD’s rejection of radical strategies geared to rupturing the historical present.

Great acceleration 

Capitalist progress, in Benjamin’s oracular phrase, “must be grounded in the idea of catastrophe. That it continues like this, is the catastrophe.” He wrote this in the late 1930s, following his exile from Nazi Germany, incarceration in Vichy France, and not long before his flight and (probable) suicide.

A complacent observer, a Settembrini, might assume Benjamin had needlessly generalised from the unfortunate juncture. After all, 1940 was “midnight in the century” but the good guys then won the war, eradicated Nazism, and soldered the world economy back together. Progress resumed full-throttle, powering miraculous advances in literacy, life expectancy and prosperity.

But Benjamin’s warnings were prescient. He had earlier described how the same coruscating technologies — gas, dyes, electricity — that had lit up late nineteenth-century city skies morphed into the ‘colourful infernos’ (in Esther Leslie’s paraphraseand the ‘fire terror’ of the world wars.

A similar and even more treacherous dialectic was to follow. Fossil fuels had become the elixir of growth. As Sadi Carnot, the father of thermodynamics, long ago understood, fossil fuels confer on technologies “the invaluable advantage of being employable at any time and in any place, and of never suffering an interruption’ in their work. Digging deep through geological layers to the Carboniferous, Jurassic and Cretaceous past brings present dividends to capital in the form of cheap energy which then, pumped out as exhaust gas, cues up future infernos and fire terror.

The capitalist system, in the wake of its postwar Great Acceleration, is producing new temporal twists, not least to ecological time and geological time.

Ecological time

Ecological time refers to humans’ interaction with natural events and processes, whether over the short or longer-term. Humans have long had the capacity to rapidly wrench local environments, but ecological time has been generally understood as cyclical and continuous. One sociologist of time describes it as ‘enduring time.’

Today, ecological time is changing globally, and fast. No longer is our image of the planetary future simply an extrapolation of the present. Ecological time is, for a significant minority, infused with a sense of hair-raising change.

A spin-off is that our sense of geological time is undergoing an irreversible shift. The geological past, in the form of carbon-bearing seams, irrupts into the present, irrevocably altering the future. Anthropocene is the buzz word, with Capitalocene its more accurate substitute.

Geological time is accelerating, and this will continue, thanks not least to the time-bending features of climate change: the gargantuan future warming pent up in the form of oceanic thermal inertia, and the irreversible non-linear positive feedback mechanisms (albedo declineoceanic methane release, etc.) that are either already in train or in view — a climate time bomb that could propel the planet toward a ‘hothouse state.’

The earth’s climate of the last ten thousand years was uniquely benign and stable, if at times with sharp local and occasional minor global volatility. That age is over. Put differently: whereas all human-recorded timescapes were lived under a (relatively) serene sky, over the next thousands, or millions, of years the forecast is stormy.

Jetztzeit – ‘now time’

Facing the catastrophes of his era, and the complacency of progressives, Benjamin offered the image of the emergency brake: “Marx says that revolutions are the locomotive of world history. But perhaps it is quite otherwise. Perhaps revolutions are an attempt by the passengers on this train — namely, the human race — to activate the emergency brake.” The metaphor, Benjamin Noys argues, presents a “non-teleological politics of temporality,” grounded in a belief that future liberation cannot be entrusted to “the continuing dialectic of production/destruction” that generates a ceaseless “state of emergency.” 

In strategic terms, Benjamin insisted that movements of the “revolutionary classes,” at moments of crisis, must seek not to push history faster along its pre-existing tracks but seek “to make the continuum of history explode,” manifesting “a conception of the present as now-time [Jetztzeit] shot through with splinters of messianic time,” and that, however, this will require a seizing of memories of past defeats when they ‘flash up’ at moments of collective peril.

This is a stance not of impotent voluntarism or aestheticized defeatism but a squaring up to the ways in which the present embodies the outcome of the catastrophic defeats of past struggles, in order precisely to warn against the “conformism that tends always to overpower us. Far from being an idiosyncratic fantasy peculiar to Benjamin, it is a red thread through radical politics. (To give a notable example, it’s there in W.E.B. Du Bois’ analysis of the tragically missed opportunity to unite workers across the “colour line,” in Black Reconstruction in America.)

As the ice melts, a helpless catastrophism can set in, breeding ennui or apathy in the face of predicted doom. But the dominant forms of passivity, surely, stem either from low levels of social-movement activity itself, which a catastrophist consciousness might in small ways improve (Extinction Rebellion is the obvious example), or from complacent hopes that those who gather at Davos, and their colleagues worldwide, will proffer business-almost-as-usual remedies in the form of green growthgeoengineering, and so forth. These, in turn, tap into the long-ingrained belief in the inevitability of progress, with its tendency to foster “apocalyptic blindness: the reluctance of humans “to understand that their existence is threatened, and that this could lead to bad end.”

It’s against this background that Benjamin’s arguments, and his uncovering of the strings that attached the complacent historicism of his day to the modes and rhythms of capitalist time, appear, well, jetztzeitig.

This Author 

Gareth Dale teaches politics at Brunel University. He is a co-editor of Green Growth (Zed, 2016). His articles are available online. He tweets at @Gareth_Dale.

Image: Monica Blatton, Flickr

Davos and ‘capitalist time’

It’s Davos time again. Our overlords are arriving at the Alpine resort for the World Economic Forum (WEF). But the ski slopes all around are melting. The mountain’s snowline is receding.

As they gather, they’re unpacking environmental anxieties and comparing magic bullets. We hear Adair Turner, the former CBI Director, call for the large-scale expansion of agrofuels and hydrogen—without the slightest grasp of the destructive effects of the former or the wastefulness and colossal energy thirst of the latter.

Turner’s colleague, WEF Director Klaus Schwab, is gesturing airily at ‘public-private partnerships’ and ‘technology.’ Business as almost-usual. Future hope, he says, lies with the CEOs (and shhh, please tiptoe around the oil giants). It’s the polite liberal etiquette of climate change: rhetorical dedication, practical denial.

Schwab tries to integrate ‘time’ into his diagnosis. “Quarterly reporting cycles and shorter terms of office cut time horizons for decision-makers. The urgent scientific message on climate change finds it hard to cut through the news cycle.” This is not wrong, but is flimsy and evasive. For time is indeed of the essence. What is ‘Davos time’? How does ‘capitalist time’ intersect with ‘ecological time’ — the CEOs amidst the snowmelt?

Economies of time

We can find a few pointers in a novel set in early twentieth-century Davos: Thomas Mann’s The Magic Mountain.

Davos today is a jet-set magnet, thanks to its climate and elevation – ideal for skiing. Back then a sprinkling of Europe’s upper crust congregated at its sanatoriums, for which the climate and elevation were similarly suited.

Magic Mountain is a time-rich novel. It asks: is time a linear axis of existence or is it subjective and non-linear, a concertina? Is boredom the ‘compression of time’?

The novel interrogates temporality. By this I mean the structures through which humans perceive and organise time, through the rhythms of their interaction with the natural environment (diurnal and seasonal cycles) and through technologies, myths, music, and so forth.

Temporalities and timescapes vary across space and through history, with different ‘economies’ embodying diverse dispositions of time. Who owns the future: the gods on Mount Olympus, or is it – like credit – a resource to be exploited by the monied classes? In a capitalist society, time is sliced and priced by states and capital — a time-money continuum.

“Time and the world”

In its own temporality, The Magic Mountain is classically ‘modern.’ Through a protagonist-centred narrative continuum, the present is looped through the past and toward the future. Narrative time is synced to clock time, and a focus on the detailed interactions of everyday life facilitates a tight control of tempo. As a Bildungsromanit foregrounds processes of development and (self-)discovery. 

In short, it represents a late flourish of classical literary realism. The novel’s genre was keyed to a particular social order: bourgeois, individualistic and meliorist; its advent, some 150 years earlier, signalled a profound shift in sensibility. For the first time in literary consciousness, as Mikhail Bakhtin observed, “time and the world” became historical, unfolding “as an uninterrupted movement into a real future, as a unified, all-embracing and unconcluded process.”

The conceptual twin of this ‘modern’ literary sensibility is Progress. It too courses through Mann’s novel. Its champion is the Italian lawyer Lodovico Settembrini, who sees himself as a warrior for freedom, knowledge, transformative action, and ‘Europe,’ in opposition to tyranny, bondage, passivity, and inertia—in short, ‘Asia.’

In Settembrini’s view, time and history are propelled by machines. “As technology brought nature increasingly under its control,” improving communication “and triumphing over climatic conditions,” it also brought the peoples of the world together, driving a global shift from “darkness and fear” to happiness and virtue. Technological progress paves the road to a shining moral order. Through dominating nature, it secures liberation.

In Davos this week, Settembrini’s ghost feels right at home. It laps up the WEF mission statement, “Committed to Improving the State of the World,” and the ubiquitous undertakings to “shape the future of economic progress.”

The Magic Mountain is set prior to 1914, but Mann wrote it between 1912 and 1924, as liberal order crumpled and burned. Its narrative acceleration conjures a society hurtling toward doom. One hundred years on, ecological collapse is provoking a crisis in our perception of the ontological coordinates of human life, including nature and time. I’ll return to these. But first, how did we get here? And what is ‘capitalist time’?

Ringing the changes

The revolution in temporality of the last millennium is conventionally associated with the diffusion of the mechanical clock. By producing minutes and hours in fixed ticks, it enabled the reproducibility and universal standardisation of time. In severing time from the natural and supernatural realms, it helped foster a vision of an independent world of mathematically measurable sequences, the sphere of Newtonian science. Time could now be imagined as a uniform continuum: linear, divisible, and abstract.

But the transformation cannot have been the work of mechanical clocks alone. Clock time is a productive force, enabling the synchronisation of human purposes—but these are under whose command?

In medieval Europe and the Islamic civilisations, clocks were used less to measure time than by clerics to mark it — the call to prayer. (‘Clock’ derives from clocca/klocke: a bell.) But when clock-bells entered the public sphere to coordinate trade and public intercourse, and above all when they entered workplaces to quantify the working day, that changed.

If pre-capitalist systems were visibly kleptocratic – based on the extortion of labour’s product – in capitalism the goal is labour productivity. Capital is the command of labour time, with the worker appearing as a commodity: personified labour-time. Capitalist rationality is governed by the law of value, the imperative to reduce the labour time of production below the ‘socially necessary’ average required to sell commodities at or below their value—where value is an abstraction of social time.

Put more simply, capital’s aim is to increase profit by saving time. This accounts for the core dynamics of ‘modernity’: the systematic disciplining of labour and its segregation from the rest of the human experience, enabling labour time to be demarcated and measured; the endless acceleration of labour processes and of technical and social change; the centrality, and fetishism, of technology (in view of its key role in displacing labour and reducing circulation time); and the systematic derogation of the natural environment. Capitalism eats time, and in the process erases nature.

Weaponising the clock

Capitalist time can be thought of as a system of interlocking temporalities under the dominance of capital. To simplify, the pulse is capital’s, the wage relation determines the worker’s calendar, while the overarching framework is established by states — not least through the strict metronome of education institutions and other sites of disciplinary social reproduction.’ Outside those structures, ‘social reproduction time’ tends to be cyclical, and gendered.

The imposition of capitalist temporality – a unity of time projected by capital and nation states – is sometimes crisis-prone and arrhythmic, is always contested, and never total. Capitalist temporalities are differentiated, contradictory and uneven across space and time, and they face resistance. In the system’s ‘primitive’ phases, the plantations and workshops and warships and factories became battlegrounds in a war of capitalist time-consciousness.

The same war was fought globally. The early-modern West European bourgeois defined himself by his separation from nature and a taste for regimes of abstract time and space. These predilections were weaponised, deployed in explicit justification of the domination of indigenous peoples whose space he was conquering and whose labour time he was appropriating. The very idea of the ‘savage’ was constructed on the belief that to be fully human requires a rigorous separation of ritual and habit from the rhythms of nature. Indigenous peoples’ lack of alienation from their land served to justify the colonists’ alienation of their land.

Put differently, bourgeois Europeans saw themselves in the mirror of their clocks. Clocks symbolised technological prowess and material well-being — a nation’s ‘civilisation’ and ‘modernity.’ Abstract-regimented time was simultaneously the banner and goal of European militarists, merchants and missionaries in their colonisation of the world who defined their civilisation as orderly, regimented, linear, and uniform, a culture to be imposed on the irrational, irregular and timeless — hence childlike— Others. Punctuality was ordained a moral category: keeping the right time was right.

Choreographing modernity 

Religious time and capitalist time consciousness adapted to one another, most famously in seventeenth-century England, where Puritans “censored the social calendar, flattened the swinging seasonality of time and decreed instead a mechanical routine of six days’ work followed by one day’s pray.” Puritanism choreographed society along business lines, featuring employers for whom saving souls requires saving money, and prayerful-punctual employees. Here the time-money continuum came into being. Saving time is “gainful,” preached the Puritan Richard Baxter, so “spend it wholly in the way of duty.” “Time is money,” chimed Benjamin Franklin, setting the seal on time’s historic transition: once a gift from the gods, now a resource exchangeable for money.

In European visualisations of the human journey, the correlative shift was from Providence to Progress — from a sacred cosmology “bounded by the approach of the Last Judgment to a secular historical time in continuous forward motion. In early formulations of history as a stadial process of civilizational advance, the analogy was with the individual.

Just as individuals progress from infancy to maturity, said Lord Kames, “so there is a similar progress in every nation, from its savage state to its maturity in arts and sciences. Before long, the Progress idea became infused with connotations of ‘economic infinity’ — the beliefs that human industry has infinite wealth-creating potential and that the credit system is endlessly elastic. Later on, it fused with the growth paradigm — the ideology of unending economic growth.

In identifying a ladder of historical time from barbarism to civilisation, the progress idea hammered the diversity of human populations into a particular temporal-economic chain. Under its banner, abstract time and technological novelty became markers of modernity, defining the cities against the countryside and imperial powers against the colonies. Because the richer and higher-tech nations (and ‘races’) are indexed as history’s vanguard, they should boss the rest, and surgically redirect their faces to the future. When the future appears as a dream of infinite progress, the past is perpetually deficient and the present must be continually realigned with the future through political intervention. It is a manifesto that drums out capital’s rhythms – it appeared as ‘modernisation theory,’ ‘the development project,’ and so forth.

Empty time

In The Magic Mountain, the debate on progress pits the bourgeois progressive Settembrini against Naptha, a socialist-reactionary Jesuit. The latter was nostalgic for medieval hierarchy and sternly critical of liberal Progress. Yet the actual socialist movement of Thomas Mann’s day, above all the Social Democratic Party (SPD), was aligning itself unreservedly with ‘Settembrini.’

The thinker who joined the dots connecting the SPD’s “stubborn faith in progress and its “servile integration into the apparatuses of bourgeois order was Walter Benjamin. In his Arcades Project, Benjamin highlighted a paradox in the temporality of commodity society. Competition drives the production of ever greater masses of commodities for which buyers must be found, with ever new lines and new seductions, yet novelty is immediately rendered obsolete by its own onward rush.

The paradigm is the fashion industry: the realm of the short shelf-life, the quick kiss. Commodity production inhabits twin temporalities, with a linear acceleration which – in its circularity, its repetitiveness – appears as stasis.

Benjamin uses the phrase “homogenous empty time to describe the infinite, inevitable timetable of bourgeois progress to which social democracy had pledged itself in the baseless belief that capitalism’s accelerative dynamic pointed to a socialist society as its pre-determined telos.

The SPD had become prisoner of its conviction that the historical tide was on its side, pushed ever onward by “technological development.” From there it was a short step “to the illusion that factory work ostensibly furthering technological progress constituted a political achievement,” and to a “corrupted conception” of industry that recognizes only “progress in mastering nature” and not the attendant regressions, and finally to the “naïvely complacent” belief — shared by social-democrat and liberal economists — that nature donates itself “gratis” for the benefit of humanity. These beliefs, Benjamin suggests, lay at the root of the SPD’s rejection of radical strategies geared to rupturing the historical present.

Great acceleration 

Capitalist progress, in Benjamin’s oracular phrase, “must be grounded in the idea of catastrophe. That it continues like this, is the catastrophe.” He wrote this in the late 1930s, following his exile from Nazi Germany, incarceration in Vichy France, and not long before his flight and (probable) suicide.

A complacent observer, a Settembrini, might assume Benjamin had needlessly generalised from the unfortunate juncture. After all, 1940 was “midnight in the century” but the good guys then won the war, eradicated Nazism, and soldered the world economy back together. Progress resumed full-throttle, powering miraculous advances in literacy, life expectancy and prosperity.

But Benjamin’s warnings were prescient. He had earlier described how the same coruscating technologies — gas, dyes, electricity — that had lit up late nineteenth-century city skies morphed into the ‘colourful infernos’ (in Esther Leslie’s paraphraseand the ‘fire terror’ of the world wars.

A similar and even more treacherous dialectic was to follow. Fossil fuels had become the elixir of growth. As Sadi Carnot, the father of thermodynamics, long ago understood, fossil fuels confer on technologies “the invaluable advantage of being employable at any time and in any place, and of never suffering an interruption’ in their work. Digging deep through geological layers to the Carboniferous, Jurassic and Cretaceous past brings present dividends to capital in the form of cheap energy which then, pumped out as exhaust gas, cues up future infernos and fire terror.

The capitalist system, in the wake of its postwar Great Acceleration, is producing new temporal twists, not least to ecological time and geological time.

Ecological time

Ecological time refers to humans’ interaction with natural events and processes, whether over the short or longer-term. Humans have long had the capacity to rapidly wrench local environments, but ecological time has been generally understood as cyclical and continuous. One sociologist of time describes it as ‘enduring time.’

Today, ecological time is changing globally, and fast. No longer is our image of the planetary future simply an extrapolation of the present. Ecological time is, for a significant minority, infused with a sense of hair-raising change.

A spin-off is that our sense of geological time is undergoing an irreversible shift. The geological past, in the form of carbon-bearing seams, irrupts into the present, irrevocably altering the future. Anthropocene is the buzz word, with Capitalocene its more accurate substitute.

Geological time is accelerating, and this will continue, thanks not least to the time-bending features of climate change: the gargantuan future warming pent up in the form of oceanic thermal inertia, and the irreversible non-linear positive feedback mechanisms (albedo declineoceanic methane release, etc.) that are either already in train or in view — a climate time bomb that could propel the planet toward a ‘hothouse state.’

The earth’s climate of the last ten thousand years was uniquely benign and stable, if at times with sharp local and occasional minor global volatility. That age is over. Put differently: whereas all human-recorded timescapes were lived under a (relatively) serene sky, over the next thousands, or millions, of years the forecast is stormy.

Jetztzeit – ‘now time’

Facing the catastrophes of his era, and the complacency of progressives, Benjamin offered the image of the emergency brake: “Marx says that revolutions are the locomotive of world history. But perhaps it is quite otherwise. Perhaps revolutions are an attempt by the passengers on this train — namely, the human race — to activate the emergency brake.” The metaphor, Benjamin Noys argues, presents a “non-teleological politics of temporality,” grounded in a belief that future liberation cannot be entrusted to “the continuing dialectic of production/destruction” that generates a ceaseless “state of emergency.” 

In strategic terms, Benjamin insisted that movements of the “revolutionary classes,” at moments of crisis, must seek not to push history faster along its pre-existing tracks but seek “to make the continuum of history explode,” manifesting “a conception of the present as now-time [Jetztzeit] shot through with splinters of messianic time,” and that, however, this will require a seizing of memories of past defeats when they ‘flash up’ at moments of collective peril.

This is a stance not of impotent voluntarism or aestheticized defeatism but a squaring up to the ways in which the present embodies the outcome of the catastrophic defeats of past struggles, in order precisely to warn against the “conformism that tends always to overpower us. Far from being an idiosyncratic fantasy peculiar to Benjamin, it is a red thread through radical politics. (To give a notable example, it’s there in W.E.B. Du Bois’ analysis of the tragically missed opportunity to unite workers across the “colour line,” in Black Reconstruction in America.)

As the ice melts, a helpless catastrophism can set in, breeding ennui or apathy in the face of predicted doom. But the dominant forms of passivity, surely, stem either from low levels of social-movement activity itself, which a catastrophist consciousness might in small ways improve (Extinction Rebellion is the obvious example), or from complacent hopes that those who gather at Davos, and their colleagues worldwide, will proffer business-almost-as-usual remedies in the form of green growthgeoengineering, and so forth. These, in turn, tap into the long-ingrained belief in the inevitability of progress, with its tendency to foster “apocalyptic blindness: the reluctance of humans “to understand that their existence is threatened, and that this could lead to bad end.”

It’s against this background that Benjamin’s arguments, and his uncovering of the strings that attached the complacent historicism of his day to the modes and rhythms of capitalist time, appear, well, jetztzeitig.

This Author 

Gareth Dale teaches politics at Brunel University. He is a co-editor of Green Growth (Zed, 2016). His articles are available online. He tweets at @Gareth_Dale.

Image: Monica Blatton, Flickr

Trump asked to target UK food and environment rules

American agriculture interests have flooded the US government’s trade agency with demands to pressure the UK into slashing food standards after Brexit, official documents show.

Earlier this week the US trade representative closed its consultation with stakeholders on objectives for post-Brexit trade negotiations with the UK.

Responses to the consultation, which was launched late last year, were dominated by the powerful food and agriculture lobby, which made nearly a quarter of the total submissions received — far more than any other sector of the US economy.

Growth hormones

The comments, made by corporations and trade associations representing thousands of US businesses, urge US negotiators to press the UK into scrapping or weakening regulations that govern pesticides, genetically-modified crops, and the production of chicken and meat products as part of a post-Brexit trade deal.

Shadow trade secretary Barry Gardiner warned that lowering standards could lead to a race-to-the-bottom, telling Unearthed: “We cannot countenance any agreement that would lower our food standards or allow products into the United Kingdom that are produced to lower standards.”

In its submission, global agri-industry giant Cargill said the US “should seek complete agricultural market access for its firms” and “eliminate intended or unintended non-tariff barriers in the agriculture sector.”  

In this context non-tariff barriers are rules that restrict trade from one market to another, such as the EU’s ban on the use of growth hormones in imported beef.

Food standards

The powerful American Farm Bureau Federation said that “full recognition of the safety of the US agricultural and food system must be included.”

This would mean that products such as hormone beef, chlorine washed chicken and genetically modified potatoes could be sold in the UK.

It could also mean that the UK may be forced to permit the sale of fruit and vegetables grown with pesticides that are banned in the EU on environmental and safety grounds.  

The Bureau added that the UK should “restore science as the basis for food safety regulation” by eliminating all restrictions on US agricultural exports.

The National Pork Producers Council (NPPC) specifies “the elimination of all sanitary and phytosanitary [SPS] barriers to pork”, including measures designed to restrict the use of growth promoters such as Ractopamine and to prevent tapeworm and antibiotic resistance.

In 2017 a top lobbyist for the NPPC told Unearthed: “It would be over my dead body that a free trade agreement gets through the US Congress that doesn’t eliminate tariffs on food and agriculture products… and non-tariff barriers”.

Hormone beef

Similarly, the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association, whose former chief economist Greg Doud is now the Trump administration’s chief agricultural trade negotiator, calls on the US to demand that restrictions on beef reared using growth hormones are dropped.

The agriculture lobby also zeroed in on EU rules on genetically modified organisms, with the National Potato Council seeking a deal that “allows for imports” of GMO food products while the American Sugar Alliance raises concerns over labelling.

The EU’s strict regulations on trace amounts of pesticide in food is another issue for the industry, with both the Cranberry Marketing Committee and US Wheat Associates seeking relief from such standards.

‘The pursuit of free trade’

In a statement provided to Unearthed, Gardiner said: “Whilst we want to see positive, progressive trade agreements with our biggest trading partners, we cannot countenance any agreement that would lower our food standards or allow products into the United Kingdom that are produced to lower standards.

“Gove may not allow our domestic standards to be lowered but Fox may allow you to buy the American produce that is produced to a lower tolerance level and is therefore cheaper. In their mind that is not a lowering of our standards, it is simply ‘Consumer Choice’ and the pursuit of free trade.

“Of course, it is only a choice if you actually know what the difference is and what produce comes from which regulatory regime. That is why good labeling is important, however, labeling requirements are seen by Liam Fox and his friends as anti-competitive ‘Non-Tariff Barriers’.

“The knock-on effect for our agricultural producers is clear. I spoke with farmers at the recent Oxford Farming Conference who made very clear their concerns about American agricultural practices and what will happen to their capacity to compete if these products are given access to market here. It will inevitably result in a contraction in our domestic production capacity.”

Koch efforts

In another submission, the powerful libertarian outfit Americans for Prosperity, founded by the billionaire industrialist Koch brothers, said the countries should do “seamless and simple” trade, similar to that done between member states in the European Union.

The letter reads: “There should be no tariffs. There should be no quotas. There should be no regulatory rules.”

It also references the model trade deal drawn up by leading Brexit figure Daniel Hannan together with libertarian organisations on both sides of the Atlantic

The Kochs have also been lobbying on Brexit negotiations on this side of the Atlantic, with their business’ listing the issue on its EU transparency register page.

This Article

This article first appeared at Unearthed, from Greenpeace. HT Steve Analyst